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+{"source_document": "", "creation_year": 1471, "culture": " English\n", "content": "Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Debra Storr and PG Distributed Proofreaders\nCAXTON'S\nGAME AND PLAYE OF THE CHESSE.\nA VERBATIM REPRINT OF THE FIRST EDITION.\nWITH AN INTRODUCTION\nBY\nWILLIAM E.A. AXON, M.R.S.L.\n\"And ther was founde by clerkes full prudent Of the chesse the play most\nglorious.\"\nJOHN LYDGATE.\nLONDON: ELLIOT STOCK,\n62, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C.\n[Transcribers Note: This is a reprint of Caxton's 1474 original.\n\"Englifh\" long s's which look very similar to f's have been transposed\nto s's for readability; yogh (looks like a mutated 3) has been rendered\nas a 3; thorn, \u00fe, has been left as such and macrons over letters are\ngiven as e.g. [=o].  Otherwise the text has been left as is.\nThe original punctutation has been preseved. Virgula suspensiva, shown\nhere as / was in common use from the thirteenth to the seventeenth\ncentury. Often used for short pauses (such as the c\u00e6sura in the middle\nof a line of poetry), but sometimes was used as equivalent to the\npunctus. \"'9\" represents a superscripted 9 and is an ancestor to the\nmodern apostrophe. It usually indicates the omission of a terminal -us.\nA small amount of text in this edition is in Blackletter, which was used\nin the Caxton original, and these sections have been marked up as such.\nThe book contains many attractive illustrations copied from the Caxton\noriginal and an HTML version exists to give a better representation\nof this.]\nCONTENTS\nINTRODUCTION.\nJonathon Oldbuck on the Game of Chess, 1474\nThe First Edition: copies in libraries and at sales\nWhere was it printed?\nCaxton's account of the translation\nThe Second Edition: copies in libraries and at sales\nFerron and De Vignay's \"Jeu d'Echecs\"\nJacques de Cessoles: \"Liber de Moribus hominum\"\nSermons on Chess\n\u00c6gidius Romanus, his life and his book: \"De Regimine Principum\"\nOccleve's imitation\nWilliam Caxton as a translator\nBibliography of the Chess Book:\n  Colonna\n  Cessoles\n  Ferron and De Vignay\n  Conrad van Ammenhaufen\n  Mennel\n  Heinrich von Beringen\n  Stephan\n  Caxton\n  Sloane\n  The scope and language of the Chess-book\n  Authors quoted and named\n  Biblical names and allusions\n  Xerxes the inventor of Chess!\n  Sidrac\n  John the monk\n  Truphes of the Philosophers\n  Helinand\n  Classical allusions\n  Medi\u00e6val allusions and stories\n  John of Ganazath\n  St. Bernard\n  The dishonest trader\n  The drunken hermit\n  A violent remedy\n  Murder of Nero\n  Theodorus Cyrenaicus\n  Democritus of Abdera\n  Socrates disguised\n  Didymus and raised letters for the blind\n  Shaksperean etymology\n  Caxton at Ghent\n  The history of Chess\n  The ethical aim of the writer of the Chess-book\nTHE GAME OF THE CHESSE.\nDedication to the Duke of Clarence\nPrologue to second edition\n   BOOK I.\n   This booke conteyneth. iiii. traytees/ The first traytee is of the\n   Invencion of this playe of the chesse/ and conteyneth. iii.\n   chapitres.\n   The first chapitre is under what kynge this play was founden.\n   The .ii. chapitre/ who fonde this playe.\n   The .iii. chapitre/ treteth of. iii. causes why hit was made and\n   founden.\n   BOOK II.\n   The seconde traytee treteth of the chesse men/ and\n   conteyneth .v. chapitres.\n   The first chapitre treteth of the forme of a kynge and of suche\n   thinges as apperteyn to a kynge.\n   The .ii. chapitre treteth of y'e quene & her forme & maners.\n   The .iii. chapitre of the forme of the alphins and her offices and\n   maners.\n   The .iiii. chapitre is of the knygth and of his offices.\n   The .v. is of the rooks and of their maners and offices.\n   BOOK III.\n   The thirde traytee is of the offices of the comyn peple And hath\n   .viii. chapitres.\n   The first chapitre is of the labourers & tilinge of the erthe.\n   The .ii. of smythis and other werkes in yron & metall.\n   The .iii. is of drapers and makers of cloth & notaries.\n   The .iiii. is of marchantes and chaungers.\n   The .v. is of phisicyens and cirugiens and apotecaries.\n   The .vi. is of tauerners and hostelers.\n   The .vii. is of y'e gardes of the citees & tollers & customers.\n   The .viii. is of ribauldes disepleyars and currours.\n   BOOK IV.\n   The .iiii. traytee is of the meuyng and yssue of them And hath .viii.\n   chapitres.\n   The first is of the eschequer.\n   The seconde of the yssue and progression of the kynge.\n   The thirde of the yssue of the quene.\n   The fourth is of the yssue of the alphyns.\n   The fifth is of the yssue of the knyghtes.\n   The sixty chapitre of the yssue of the rooks.\n   The seuenth is of the meuynge & yssue of the comyn peple.\n   And the eyght and laste chapitre is of the epilegacion and of the\n   recapitulacion of all these forsaid chapitres.\nGLOSSARY\nINTRODUCTION\nThe readers of the \"Antiquary\" will remember the anecdote told with so\nmuch effusion by Jonathan Oldbuck. '\"Davy Wilson,\" he said, \"commonly\ncalled Snuffy Davy, from his inveterate addiction to black rappee, was\nthe very prince of scouts for searching blind alleys, cellars, and\nstalls, for rare volumes. He had the scent of a slow-hound, sir, and the\nsnap of a bull-dog. He would detect you an old black-letter ballad among\nthe leaves of a law-paper, and find an _editio princeps_ under the mask\nof a school Corderius. Snuffy Davy bought the 'Game of Chess, 1474,' the\nfirst book ever printed in England, from a stall in Holland for about\ntwo groschen, or two-pence of our money. He sold it to Osborne for\ntwenty pounds, and as many books as came to twenty pounds more. Osborne\nre-sold this inimitable windfall to Dr. Askew for sixty guineas. At Dr.\nAskew's sale,\" continued the old gentleman, kindling as he spoke, \"this\ninestimable treasure blazed forth in its full value and was purchased by\nRoyalty itself for one hundred and seventy pounds! Could a copy now\noccur, Lord only knows,\" he ejaculated with a deep sigh and lifted-up\nhands, \"Lord only knows what would be its ransom; and yet it was\noriginally secured, by skill and research, for the easy equivalent of\ntwo-pence sterling.\"'\nSir Walter Scott in a footnote adds:--\"This bibliomaniacal anecdote is\nliterally true; and David Wilson, the author need not tell his brethren\nof the Roxburghe and Bannatyne Clubs, was a real personage.\" Mr. Blades,\nwhose iconoclastic temper is not moved to mercy even by this good story,\nsays that although it \"looks like a true bibliographical anecdote,\" its\nappearance is deceptive, and that \"not a single statement is founded\non fact.\"[1]\nJonathan Oldbuck did not venture to estimate the sum that would ransom a\ncopy of the \"Game of Chesse,\" and the world of the bibliomania has moved\neven since his days, so that prices which seemed fabulous, and were\nrecounted with a sort of awe-struck wonder, have been surpassed in these\nlatter days, and the chances of any successor of \"Snuffy Davy\" buying a\nCaxton for two groschen have been greatly reduced.\nAccording to Mr. William Blades, our latest and best authority on the\nsubject, there are but ten copies known of the first edition of the\n\"Chesse\" book.[2] There is a perfect copy in the King's Library in the\nBritish Museum. This is what ought to be Snuffy Davy's copy. A previous\nowner--R. Boys--has noted that it cost him 3_s_. The copy in the\nGrenville Library has the table and last leaf supplied in facsimile. The\ncopy in the Public Library at Cambridge is defective to the extent of\nfive leaves. The Bodleian copy wants the last leaf. The Duke of\nDevonshire's copy formerly belonged to Roger Wilbraham, and the first\nand eighth leaves are supplied in facsimile. The exemplar belonging to\nthe Earl of Pembroke is perfect, \"but on weak and stained paper.\" Earl\nSpencer's copy is perfect, clean, and unusually large. Mr. H. Cunliffe's\ncopy came from the Alchorne and Inglis Libraries, and wants the first\ntwo printed leaves, two near the end, and the last two. Mr. J. Holford's\ncopy is perfect and in its original binding. It was once in the library\nof Sir Henry Mainwaring of Peover Hall, as his bookplate shows. On a\nfly-leaf is written, \"Ex dono Thom\u00e6 Delves, Baronett 1682.\" The copy\nbelonging to the Rev. Edward Bankes is imperfect, and wants the\ndedicatory leaf and is slightly wormed.\nThe book, when complete, consists of eight quaternions or eight leaves\nfolded together and one quinternion or section of five sheets folded\ntogether, making in all seventy-four leaves, of which the first and last\nare blank. The only type used throughout is that styled No. 1 by Mr.\nBlades. The lines are not spaced out; the longest measure five inches; a\nfull page has thirty-one lines. Without title-page, signatures,\nnumerals, or catch-words. The volume, as already mentioned, begins with\na blank leaf, and on the second recto is Caxton's prologue, space being\nleft for a two-line initial, without director. The text begins with a\ndedication:--\"(T)o the right noble/ right excellent & vertuous prince\nGeorge duc of Clarence Erl of Warwyk and of Salisburye/ grete\nchamberlayn of Englond & leutenant of Ireland oldest broder of kynge\nEdward by the grace of god kynge of England and of France/ your most\nhumble servant william Caxton amonge other of your servantes sendes unto\nyow peas. helthe. Joye and victorye upon your Enemyes/ Right highe\npuyssant and.\" The text ends on the seventy-third recto, thus:--\"And\nsende yow thaccomplisshement of your hye noble. Joyous and vertuous\ndesirs Amen:/: Fynysshid the lastday of Marche the yer of our lord god.\na. thousand foure honderd and LXXIIII. *. *. *. *.\" The seventy-fourth\nleaf is blank.\nIt is unnecessary to say that this book seldom comes into the market.\nThe recorded sales are very few. In 1682 R. Smith sold a perfect copy\nfor 13s. 2d. In 1773 J. West's copy was bought by George III. for.\u00a332\n0s. 6d. Alchorne's imperfect copy was bought by Inglis for \u00a354 12s., and\nat the sale of his books found a purchaser in Lord Audley for \u00a331 10s.,\nand was again transferred, in 1855, to the possession of Mr. J. Cunliffe\nfor \u00a360 l0s. 0d.[3] Mr. J. Holford's copy was bought at the Mainwaring\nsale for \u00a3101.\nThe last copy offered for sale was described in one of Mr. Bernard\nQuaritch's catalogues issued in 1872, and the account given by that\nveteran bibliopole is well worth reproduction.\nCAXTON'S GAME AND PLAY OF CHESS MORALIZED, (translated 1474) FIRST\nEDITION, folio, 65 LEAVES (of the 72), bound in old ruffia gilt, \u00a3400.\n    [Blackletter: Fynyshid the last day of Marche the yer of our Lord God,\n         a thousand foure hondred and lxxiiii....]\nAn extremely large, though somewhat imperfect copy of\nTHE FIRST BOOK PRINTED IN ENGLAND, from Caxton's press.\nMr. Blades quotes 9 copies (4 perfect, 5 imperfect), the present is the\n10th known copy, and is TALLER than even the Grenville--hitherto the\ntallest known copy; my copy measures 11-1/8 inch in height by 8 in\nwidth, whilst the Grenville copy (also imperfect) is only 11\ninches high.\nCOLLATION of _my copy_:\n[Blackletter: This Booke conteyneth iiii traytees]          1 _leaf_.\n[Blackletter: This first chapiter of the first tractate]    1 _leaf_.\n[Blackletter: The trouthe for to do Justice right wysly,]\n  _The last leaf with the date:_\n[Blackletter: In conquerynge his rightful inheritance,]\n  _ending:_ [Blackletter: fynyshed], _etc._ 1474  1 _leaf_.\nMy copy wants therefore 7 leaves, the two blank ones being out of\nquestion. The imperfections include the first leaf, and two leaves in\nthe second chapitre of the fourth tractate, the end is all right. I\nshould be glad to hear of any IMPERFECT COPY of this work, which would\nsupply me with what I want. In the mean time this precious relic of the\nInfancy of Printing in England can be feen by BUYERS of Rare books.\n_See_ Dibdin's Bibl. Spenc. IV. p. 189.\nNo copy of this edition has been sold for years; in 1813, Alchorne's\ncopy, wanting first two leaves, the last two leaves and two leaves in\nthe second chapter of the fourth tractate, fetched at Evans', \u00a354.\n12_s_. The value of this class of books has much risen since then, and\nmay now be considered, as ten times greater.\nIn comparing the first edition of \"Caxton's Game of Chess\" with the\nsecond, one perceives many variations in the spelling. I confider the\n_first edition_ to be the more interesting, for a variety of reasons:\n1. It is the first book printed in England.\n2. It is the _Editio princeps_ of the English version.\n3. It shows the Art of Printing in its crudest form.\n4. It has a Post-script not in the second edition.\nBoth editions run on together to the passage on the last page of the\nsecond edition:\n[Blackletter:\nAnd a mon that lyvyth in thys world without vertues lyveth not\nas a man but as a beste.]\nThe first edition ends thus:\n[Blackletter: And therefore my right redoubted Lord I pray almighty god\nto save the Kyng our soverain lord to gyve him grace to yssue as a Kynge\ntabounde in all vertues/ to be assisted with all other his lordes in\nsuch wyse yn his noble royame of England may prospere/ habounde in\nvertues and yn synne may be eschewid justice kepte/ the royame defended\ngood men rewarded malefactours punyshid the ydle peple to be put to\nlaboure that he wyth the nobles of the royame may regne gloriously.\nIn conquerynge his rightfull inheritaunce / that verraypeas and charitie\nmay endure in both his royames and that marchandise may have his cours\nin suche wise that every man eschewe synne/ and encrese in vertuous\noccupacions / Praynge your good grace to resseyve this lityll and symple\nbook made under the hope and shadow of your noble protection by hym that\nis your most humble servant in gree and thanke. And I shall praye\nalmighty god for your long lyf & welfare / which he preserve And sende\nnow thaccomplishment of your hye noble joyous and vertuous\ndesirs Amen:|:\nFynysshid the last day of marche the yer of our lord god a. thousand\nfour hondred and lxxiiii. *.:.:.*.]\nThe second edition ends thus:\n[Blackletter: Thenne late every man of what condycion he be that redyth\nor herith this litel book redde. take therby ensaumple to amend hym.\nExplicit per Caxton.]\nThis copy came from the library of Mr. L.M. Petit.[4]\nIt will be noticed that Mr. Quaritch calls the _editio princeps_ of\nCaxton's \"Game and Play of the Chesse\" the first book printed in\nEngland. This was the general opinion of bibliographers before the\ninvestigations of Mr. Blades. Dibdin, although he seems to have had some\ndoubt, pronounced in favour of that view. Yet it is clearly erroneous.\nThe only materials for judgment are those afforded by the colophon and\nthe prologue to the second edition, with the silent but eloquent\ntestimony of typography. Caxton ends the first edition with the\nwords:--\"Fynysshid the last day of Marche the yer of our lord god a\nthousand four hondred and LXXIIII.\" The word \"fynysshid,\" as Mr. Blades\nobserves, \"has doubtless the same signification here as in the epilogue\nto the second book of Caxton's translation of the Histories of Troy,\n'Begonne in Brugis, contynued in Gaunt and finysshed in Coleyn,' which\nevidently refers to the translation only. The date, 1475-6, has been\naffixed, because in the Low Countries at that time the year commenced on\nEaster-day; this in 1474 fell on April 10th, thus giving, as the day of\nthe conclusion of the translation, 31 March 1475, the same year being\nthe earliest possible period of its appearance as a printed book.\" Then\nthere is Caxton's own racy account of the circumstances under which the\nbook first appeared:--\n\"And emong alle other good werkys It is a werke of ryght special\nrecomendacion to enforme and to late vnderstonde wysedom and vertue vnto\nthem that be not lernyd ne can not dyscerne wysedom fro folye Th[=e]ne\nemonge whom there was an excellent doctour of dyuynyte in the royame of\nfraunce of the ordre of thospytal of Saynt Johns of Jherusalem which\nentended the same and hath made a book of the chesse moralysed whiche at\nsuche tyme as I was resident in brudgys in the counte of Flaundres cam\ninto my handes/ whiche whan I had redde and ouerseen/ me semed ful\nnecessarye for to be had in englisshe/ And in eschewyng of ydlenes And\nto thende that s[=o]me which haue not seen it/ ne [=v]nderstonde frenssh\nne latyn J delybered in my self to translate it in to our maternal\ntonge/ And whan I so had achyeued the sayd translacion/ J dyde doo sette\nin enprynte a certeyn nombre of theym/ Whiche anone were depesshed and\nsolde wherfore by cause thys sayd book is ful of holsom wysedom and\nrequysyte vnto euery astate and degree/ J haue purposed to enprynte it/\nshewyng therin the figures of suche persons as longen to the playe.\"\nIt is clear from this that both the translation and printing belong to\nthe period of Caxton's residence in Bruges. From the use of the\ninstrumental form \"dyde doo sette en enprynte\" it might be thought that\nCaxton employed the services of some printer, but although commonly so\nemployed, there are instances which will not bear this interpretation of\nits intention.[5] He either employed a printer or made some partnerfhip\nwith one, and there are various indications that confirm Mr. Blades'\ntheory that the book came from the press of Colard Mansion.\nThe second edition is undoubtedly the work of our first English printer.\n\"Explicit per Caxton\" is the unambiguous statement of the colophon. It\nis a much more advanced specimen of typography than the first edition.\nIt has signatures, of which _a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i,_ are\nquaternions, _k_ and _l_ are terternions, making in all eighty-four\nleaves, of which the first is blank. There is no title-page, and the\ntype used is that which Mr. Blades reckons as No. 2*. The lines are\nspaced out to an even length. There are twenty-nine lines to a full\npage, and the full line measures 4-7/8 inches. The prologue begins on _a\nij_., and the table of chapters begins on the next page. The text begins\non the recto of _a iii_. The text ends on the recto of _l_ 6, the last\npage being blank. There are sixteen woodcuts in the volume, which are\nused twenty-four times. There has been some diversity of opinion as to\nthe year in which this \"Game of the Chesse\" came from the press of\nCaxton. The book is not dated. Dibdin thought it one of the printer's\nearliest efforts. Figgins regarded it as the earliest issue of the\nWestminster press, and further believed that it was printed from cut\nmetal types. This is not the view of Mr. Blades, who says: \"An\nexamination of the work, however, with a typographical eye does not\nafford a single evidence of very early workmanship. All Caxton's early\nbooks were uneven in the length of their lines--this is quite even. Not\none of the early works had any signatures--this is signed throughout.\nThese two features alone are quite sufficient to fix its date of\nimpression at least as late as 1480, when Caxton first began the use of\nsignatures; but when we find that every known copy of this edition of\nthe 'Chess-Book' presents a thicker and more worn appearance than any\none copy of any other book, there is good reason for supposing that this\nmay have followed the 'Tulli' of 1481, and have been the last book for\nwhich Type No. 2* was used.\"[6]\nMr. Blades describes nine known copies, so that even fewer exemplars\nremain of the second edition than of its predecessor. The copy in the\nKing's Library in the British Museum is imperfect, wanting several\nleaves, and is mended in many places. The copy in the Pepysian\nCollection at Cambridge wants one-half of the last leaf. Trinity\nCollege, Cambridge, has a perfect copy, \"but a bad impression.\" The\nBodleian copy is defective in not having the last leaf. St. John's\nCollege, Oxford, has a copy, from which one-half of _d iii_. has been\ntorn away. The Imperial Library at Vienna has an imperfect copy. The\nDuke of Devonshire's copy is perfect, but it is \"a poor impression, and\nslightly stained.\" The Earl of Pembroke's copy is very imperfect. Earl\nSpencer's is only slightly imperfect. The prices fetched by the second\nedition have a sufficiently wide range. In 1698, at Dr. Bernard's sale,\na copy fold for 1s. 6d. Farmer's copy in 1798 fetched \u00a34 4s. Ratcliffe's\ncopy was bought at his sale for \u00a316 by Willett; and when his books came\nto the hammer in 1813, it was purchased by the Duke of Devonshire for\n\u00a3173 5s.[7] It is interesting to know that the copy of the second\nedition in the Bibliotheca Spenceriana formerly belonged to Laurence\nSterne, who bought it for a few shillings at York![8]\nIn the present reprint, the text followed is that of the first edition,\ntranscribed from the copy in the British Museum; but the variations,\nalterations, and additions made in the second issue are all recorded in\nfootnotes. The reader has, therefore, before him the work in all its\nfulness. The same reasons that have led to the adoption of this course\nhave also decided the publisher to include facsimiles of the curious\nwoodcuts which appeared in the second edition. These, although\nnecessarily reductions in size, reproduce the quaint vigour of the\noriginals.\nCaxton, we have seen, translated the \"Game of the Chesse\" from the\nFrench. There were in effect two, if not three, from which he may have\ntaken his version. One of these is by Jean Faron, Perron, or Feron (as\nthe name is variously spelled), a monk of the order of St. Dominic, of\nwhom the notices are exceedingly scanty.[9] La Croix du Maine styles him\n\"de l'Ordre des Fr\u00e8res Prescheurs ou Jacobins du Paris.\" La Monnaye says\nthat the translation was made from the Latin of Cessoles, and was begun\nin the year 1347. It has not been printed.[10] The translation is\nconsidered a literal version of the Latin of Cessoles.\nThe prologue of Perron's version is as follows:--\"Chy ensuit le geu des\nEschas moralis\u00e9, ouquel a plusiers exemples bien \u00e0 noter. A noblehomme,\nBertrand de Tarascon, frere Jehan Perron, de l'ordre des Freres\nprecheurs de Paris, son petil et humble chappelain soy tout. Le Sainte\nEscripture dit que Dieux a fait a chascun commandement de pourchassier \u00e0\ntous nos prochains leur sauvement. Or est-il ainsi que nos prochains ne\nsont pas tout un, ains sont de diverses condicions, estas et manieres,\nsy comme il appert. Car les uns sont nobles; les aultres non: les\naultres sont de cler engin; les aultres, non: les aultres sont enclins a\ndevocion; les aultres, non. Et pour ce, affin que le commandement de\nDieu soit mis \u00e0 execution bien convenablement, il convient avoir\nplusiers voyes et baillier \u00e0 chascun ce qui lui est plus convenable; et\nainsi pourroit il le commandement de Dieu accomplir; .... Pour tant je,\nvostre petit chappelain, \u00e0 vostre requeste, que je tieng pour\ncommendement, vous ai volu translata de latin en fran\u00e7ais le Gieu des\nEschas moralis\u00e9, que fist l'un de nos freres, appel\u00e9 frere Jaques de\nCossoles, maistre en divinit\u00e9, si que vous l'entend\u00e9s plus legierrement;\net \u00e0 exemple des nobles hystoires qui y sont notte\u00e9s, veuill\u00e9s\nmaintenir, quant \u00e0 vous, honnestement, et quant aux autres justement....\nOr pren\u00e9s done ce petit present, comenci\u00e9 le 4'e jour de May, l'an\nThat Caxton made use of Perron's version is clear. Thus Mr. Blades\nmentions the description of Evilmerodach as \"un homme joly sans justice\"\nas peculiar to Ferron, whose version he regards as the basis of the\nfirst and third chapters of Caxton's work.\nDr. Van der Linde mentions a number of MSS.; in some the date is given\nas 1357, and in one as 1317. This version remains unprinted, but there\nare MSS. of it in the Bibliotheque Nationale, at Aosta, Cambrai, at\nBrussels, in the British Museum, Chartres, at Bern, and at Stockholm.[12]\nDr. Van der Linde also describes a MS. on parchment of the fifteenth\ncentury, forming part of the national library at Paris, which contains\nthe Game of Chess in verse.\n   \"M\u00e8s si d'esbat te prent tallant,\n    Pren ton esbat d\u00e9uement;\n    M\u00e8s si \u00e0 jouer vieulx attendre,\n    Un noble jou te faulte attendre,\n    C'est des echecs qui est licite\n    Et \u00e0 touz bien les gens incite.\"\nThe author has concealed his name with an ingenuity that has so far\ndefied penetration.\n   \"Nommez mon nom et mon surnom,\n    Je ey escript tout environ,\n    A vingt et dous lettres sans plus,\n    Sera trouv\u00e9 cy au dessus\n    En enscript, et sans plus ne moins.\"\nOn this it is only necesiary to quote the remarks of a French\ncritic:--\"Ou ne nous dit pas si c'est dans la suite m\u00eame de la phrase,\nou seulement en acrosticke, que se trouvent les vingt-deux lettres de\nces nom myst\u00e9rieux. Nous ne saurions former aucun nom avec les initiales\ndes trente vers qui pr\u00e9c\u00e8dent ceux que nous venons de citer; et le\nmerite de l'ouvrage ne nous encourage pas \u00e0 faire des longues recherches\npour d\u00e9couvrir un nom que l'auteur a pris plaisir \u00e0 nous cacher.\"[13]\nThe bulk of Caxton's work is undoubtedly from the French translation of\nJehan de Vignay, whose dedication to Prince John of France has simply\nbeen transformed into a similar address to the Duke of Clarence. He\nstyles De Vignay \"an excellent doctor of the order of the Hospital of\nSt. John's of Jerusalem.\" This is the only authority we have for\nsupposing De Vignay to be connected with that order. He styles himself\n\"hospitaller de l'ordre de haut pas,\" which was situated in the Faubourg\nSt. Jacques of Paris. It is curious that two members of the same\norder--for Ferron was also a Jacobin--should independently have occupied\nthemselves with the same work. The version by De Vignay was probably the\nlater of the two, and it was also the most popular, for whilst Ferron's\nis still unprinted, that of De Vignay has been frequently re-issued from\nthe press. The work is dedicated to Jean de France, Duc de Normandie,\nwho became king in 1350. It will be seen from this that these two French\nversions were practically contemporaneous.\nThe prologue to the book is as follows:--\"A Tres noble & excellent\nprince Jehan de france duc de normendie & auisne filz de philipe par le\ngrace de dieu Roy de france. Frere Jehan de vignay vostre petit\nReligieux entre les autres de vostre seignorie/ paix sante Joie &\nvictoire sur vos ennemis. Treschier & redoubte seign'r/ pour ce que Jay\nentendu et scay que vous veez & ouez volentiers choses proffitables &\nhonestes et qui tendent alinformacion de bonne meur ay Je mis vn petit\nliuret de latin en francois le quel mest venuz a la main nouuellement/\nou quel plussieurs auctoritez et dis de docteurs & de philosophes & de\npoetes & des anciens sages/ sont Racontez & sont appliquiez a la\nmoralite des nobles hommes et des gens de peuple selon le gieu des\neschez le quel liure Tres puissant et tres redoubte seigneur jay fait ou\nnom & soubz vmbre de vous pour laquelle chose treschr seign'r Je vous\nsuppli & requier de bonne voulente de cuer que il vo daigne plaire a\nreceuvoir ce liure en gre aussi bien que de vn greign'r maistre de moy/\ncar la tres bonne voulente que Jay de mielx faire se je pouoie me doit\nestre reputee pour le fait/ Et po'r plus clerement proceder en ceste\nouure/ Jay ordene que les chappitres du liure soient escrips & mis au\ncommencement afin de veoir plus plainement la matiere de quoy le dit\nliure pole.\"[14]\nIt will be seen that this is the foundation of Caxton's dedication of\nthe Chess-book to the Earl of Warwick. The \"Golden Legend,\" printed by\nCaxton in 1484, was in effect a translation from \"La Legende Dor\u00e9e,\"\nmade before the year 1380 by Jehan de Vignay, who in his prologue\nmentions that he had previously translated into French \"Le miroir des\nhystoires du monde,\" at the request of \"Ma dame Jehanne de Borgoigne,\nroyne de France.\"[15] This preface Caxton, as usual, adopted with some\nchanges of name and other alterations, amongst which is a reference to\n\"the book of the chesse\" as one of his works. The \"Legenda Aurea\" of\nJacobus de Voragine is, of course, the original source of De Vignay's\n\"Legende Dor\u00e9e,\" and Caxton's \"Golden Legend.\"\nFerron and de Vignay were avowedly translators. Their original was\nJacques de Cessoles. The name of this author has been tortured into so\nmany fantastic forms that one may almost despair of recovering the\noriginal. C\u00e6solis, Cassalis, Castulis, Casulis, Cesolis, Cessole,\nCessulis, Cesulis, Cezoli, de Cezolis, de Cossoles, de Courcelles,\nSesselis, Tessalis, Tessellis, de Thessolus, de Thessolonia, and de\nThessolonica are different manners of spelling his surname, and the two\nlast are certainly masterpieces of transformation. Prosper Marchand has\namused himself by collecting some vain speculations of previous writers\nas to the age, country, and personality of Jacques de Cessoles. Some\ncounted him a Lombard, some an Italian, whilst others again boldly\nasserted that he was a Greek!\nHe lived towards the end of the thirteenth or beginning of the\nfourteenth century, and having joined the Dominican order, was a \"Ma\u00eetre\nen Th\u00e9ologie\" of that brotherhood at Reims. Various works are attributed\nto him, and his learning and piety had many eulogists.\nIt is more than probable that his name would have been much less widely\nknown but for the happy accident that turned his attention to the game\nof chess. It was a popular diversion, and in the moralizing spirit of\nthe age he saw in it an allegory of the various components of the\ncommonwealth. The men who were merely killing time were perhaps\nflattered at the thought that they were at the same time learning the\nmodes of statecraft. Then, as now, the teachers of morality felt that a\nsong might reach him who a sermon flies, and they did not scruple to use\nin the pulpit whatever aids came handy. The popular stories, wise saws,\nand modern instances, were common enough on the lips of the preachers,\nand such collections as the \"Gesta Romanorum show what a pitch of\ningenuity in unnatural interpretation they had reached. An appropriate\ninstance is furnished by it in the following quaint fashion of\nmoralizing the chess play:--\n   \"Antonius was a wys emp_er_our regnyng in the cite of Rome, the which\n   vsid moche to pley with houndis; and aftir \u00feat pley, all \u00fee day\n   aftir he wolde vse \u00fee chesse. So yn a day, as he pleide at \u00fee\n   chesse, & byheld the kyng fette yn the pley, som tyme hy and som tyme\n   lowe, among aufyns and pownys, he thought \u00fe_er_with \u00fe_a_t hit\n   wold be so with hi_m_, for he shuld dey, and be hid vndir erth. And\n   \u00fe_er_fore he devided his Reame in thre p_ar_ties; and he yaf oo\n   part to \u00fee kyng of Ier_usa_l_e_m; \u00fee secunde p_ar_t vnto\n   \u00fee lordis of his Reame or his empire; and the thrid p_ar_tie vnto\n   the pore people; & yede him self vnto the holy londe, and ther he\n   endid his lyf in peas.\n   MORALITE.\n   Seth now, good sirs; this emp_er_our, \u00feat lovith so wele play, may\n   be called eche worldly man \u00feat occupieth him in vanytes of the\n   world; but he moste take kepe of the pley of the chesse, as did the\n   emp_er_oure. the chekir or \u00fee chesse hath viij. poyntes in eche\n   p_ar_tie. In eu_er_y pley beth viij. kyndes of men, s_cil_.\n   man, woman, wedewer, wedowis, lewid men, clerk_es_, riche men, and\n   pou_er_e men. at this pley pleieth vj. men. the first man, \u00feat\n   goth afore, hath not but oo poynt, but whenne he goth aside, he\n   takith ano\u00fe_er_; so by a pou_er_e man; he hath not, but when he\n   comyth to \u00fee deth with pacience, \u00feen shall he be a kyng in\n   heuen, w_i_t_h_ \u00fee kyng of pore men. But if he grucche ayenst his\n   neighbour of his stat, and be a thef, and ravissh \u00feat wher he may,\n   \u00feen he is ytake, and put in to the p_re_son of helle. The secund,\n   f_cil_. alphyn, renneth iij. poyntes both vpward and douneward; [he]\n   betokenyth wise men, the whiche by deceyuable eloquence & takyng of\n   money deceyueth, & so he is made oonly. The iij. _scil._ \u00fee kny3t,\n   hath iij. poyntes, & goth \u00fe_er_with; [he] betokenyth gentilmen\n   \u00feat rennyth aboute, & ravisshith, and ioyeth for her kynrede, &\n   for habundaunce of richesse. The fourth, s_cil._ \u00fee rook, he\n   holdith length & brede, and takith vp what so is in his way; he\n   betokenyth okerers and false m_er_chaunt3, \u00feat rennyth aboute ouer\n   all, for wynnyng & lucre, & rechith not how thei geten, so that thei\n   haue hit. The fifthe is \u00fee quene, that goth fro blak to blak, or\n   fro white to white, and is yset befide \u00fee kyng, and is ytake fro\n   the kyng. This quene bytokenyth virgyns and damesels, \u00feat goth fro\n   chastite to synne, and beth ytake by the devill, for glovis or such\n   man_e_r yiftis. The vj. is to whom all owe to obey and mynystre; and\n   he goth forth, and bakward ayen, & in either side, & takith ouer all;\n   so sone discendith in to \u00fee world, and ascendith to god by\n   praiers; But when he takith [no] kepe of god, and hath no meyne,\n   \u00fean is hit to \u00fee man chekmate. And \u00fe_er_fore let vs not\n   charge of oure estatis, no more \u00fean is w_i_t_h_ \u00fee men, when\n   \u00feei be put vp in \u00fee poket; then hit is no charge who be above\n   or who be byneth; and so by the Spirit of loulynesse we may come to\n   \u00fee ioy of heven. And \u00feat graunt vs, _qui viuit_ &c.\"\nIt is not, therefore, surprising to learn that Jacques de Cessoles found\ntexts for sundry sermons on the game that formed so favourite a\ndiversion of clergy and laity. The favour with which these discourses\nwere received no doubt gratified the worthy Dominican father. At the\nrequest of some of those who heard them he began to write down the\nsubstance of his sermons. The result was the \"Liber de moribus Hominum\net officiis Nobilium ac Popularium super ludo scachorum,\" which\nimmediately attained great popularity. This is shown by the bibliography\nof Dr. A. Van der Linde in a striking manner, for he has described two\nhundred codices to be found in the various public libraries of\nEurope.[16]\nThe difficulties in the way of forming any clear conception as to the\nlife and personality of Cessoles, Ferron, and De Vignay are well shown\nin an article by M.C. Leber.[17] Dr. Ernst K\u00f6pke, who has reexamined the\nevidences as to Cessoles, holds that he was a Lombard.[18]\nThe chief source from which Cessoles took his material was the treatise\n\"De Regimine Principum\" of Egidius Romanus.\nHe was of the great Neapolitan family of the Colonna, and his Christian\nname appears to have been Guido, but his designations have undergone\nsome curious transformations. Born at Rome, 22nd Sept., 1216, Guido\nColonna went at an early age to Paris, where, from the name of his\nbirthplace, he became known as \u00c6gidius Romanus, with the French form of\nGilles de Rome. He was an ardent and enthusiastic disciple of St. Thomas\nAquinas, and his familiarity with that great doctor of the Church led\nhim to desire admission to the Dominican order, but a difficulty\nintervened from the circumstance that he had already contracted ties\nwhich bound him to the order of St. Augustine. To this untoward accident\nmay probably be attributed no little of the extension of the\nphilosophical doctrine of Aquinas; for Colonna, unable or unwilling to\nbe relieved of the vows that bound him to the Augustinians, preached\neagerly amongst them the Thomist speculations of his friend and master.\nIn the controversy with the Franciscans, those whom he had indoctrinated\nwere valuable allies to the Thomists, for their aid, coming from an\nindependent organization, appeared to carry the weight of impartiality,\nand to be unassailable on the plea of partisan interest. In the year\n1287 there was a general convocation of the order of St. Augustine at\nFlorence, and at this assembly it was decreed that the doctors of the\norder should teach in conformity with the decisions arrived at by\nColonna. To him is largely due the success of the Thomist scheme, of\nwhich he was an able, persistent, and vigorous exponent. Many tracts by\nhim remain in print and MS. on these subjects. The fame he had thus\nacquired gained him the name of _doctor fundamentarius_ and _doctor\nfundatissimus_. His lectures at Paris attracted to him the attention of\nPhilippe le Hardi, who thought him a fitting person to be entrusted with\nthe education of his son, who was afterwards known to hiftory as\nPhilippe le Bel. It was whilst occupied with this royal youth that the\nthought of composing or compiling--and the terms were in practice\ninterchangeable in those days--occurred, and the result was the treatise\n\"De regimine Principum libri iii.\" Philippe le Hardi, if not an educated\nman himself--and there are doubts as to whether he could write his own\nname--was laudably anxious that his heir should have the best\ninstruction that could be obtained. It cannot well be claimed that the\nable, handsome, and unscrupulous Philippe was any great credit to his\npreceptor. The despotic and perfidious character of the king probably\nowed more to the influence of Nogaret and other defenders of the \"right\ndivine of kings to govern wrong,\" than to the soberer precepts of\nColonna. That Philippe had some tincture of literary feeling may be\ninferred from his employment of Jehan de Meung to translate the military\ntreatise of Vegetius Flavius Renatus, a compilation of the second\ncentury of the present era, which was so popular in the middle ages that\nit was translated by Caxton into English. Still better evidence is the\ntranslation made for the king by the same poet of Boethius, whose\nstoical philosophy must have had a special appropriateness for those\ntimes of political storm and stress, when the fickleness of fortune must\nhave been a matter of only too common repute. Guido Colonna was elected\nby his admiring brethren the general of the order in 1292, and took up\nhis residence at Bourges, its metropolitan seat.\nIn this honourable office he continued his literary labours, and to this\nperiod are assigned the greater part of his numerous works. He died at\nAvignon in 1316. His body was translated to Paris, where his effigy in\nblack marble, with his epitaph, remained until the French\nrevolution.[19] It would be superfluous to enumerate his philosophical\nwritings, for they would have no interest in the present day. His\ncommentary on Aristotle \"De Anima,\" it may be observed, was dedicated to\nEdward I. His name is now chiefly remembered because his work on the\nrule of princes formed the basis of the treatise in which Jacques de\nCessoles moralized the fashionable game of the chess.\nOne interesting instance of the popularity of Colonna's work is the\ntranslation of it made into English verse by Thomas Occleve.[20] He\nwrote it in 1411 or 1412, and its object was to obtain the payment of an\nannuity from the exchequer which had been granted to him, but the\npayment of which was very irregular. The book was dedicated to the\nPrince of Wales. After mentioning his purpose to translate from the\n(apocryphal) letter of Aristotle to Alexander and \"Gyles of Regement of\nPrynces,\" he proceeds:--\n   \"There is a booke, Jacob de Cessoles,\n    Of the ordre of Prechours, made, a worthy man,\n    That the Chesse moralisede clepede is,\n    In whiche I purpose eke to labour ywis\n    And here and there, as that my litelle witte\n    Afforthe may, I thynke translate it.\n    And al be it that in that place square\n    Of the lystes, I meane the eschekere,\n    A man may learn to be wise and ware;\n    I that have avanturede many a yere,\n    My witte therein is but litelle the nere,\n    Save that somewhat I know a Kynges draught,\n    Of other draughts lernede have I naught.\"--(p. 77.)\n\"In those days,\" says Warton, \"ecclesiastics and schoolmen presumed to\ndictate to kings and to give rules for administering states, drawn from\nthe narrow circle of speculation, and conceived amid the pedantries of a\ncloister. It was probably recommended to Occleve's notice by having been\ntranslated into English by John Trevisa, a celebrated translator about\nHaving thus traced the stream back to its fountain, we return to Caxton.\nThe story of his life has been told by Mr. Blades, and only the most\nessential facts of his busy and useful career need be recapitulated\nhere. He was born in the Weald of Kent, and it has been conjectured that\nthe manor of Caustons, near Hadlow, was the original home of the family.\nHe was apprenticed to Alderman Robert Large, a mercer, who was\nafterwards Lord Mayor. The entry in the books of the Mercers' Company\nleads to the inference that Caxton was born about 1422. Probably on the\ndeath of Large, in 1441, Caxton went abroad, for he tells us that in\n1471 he had been resident outside England for thirty years. About 1462\nor 1463 he was Governor of the English Nation or Merchant Adventurers at\nBruges. This was a position of great influence, and it is thought to\nhave enabled the loyal mercer to give good service to Edward IV., who\nwas an exile in 1470. Caxton's marriage was not much later than 1469,\nand it is conjectured that this led him to enter the service of the\nDuchess of Burgundy. She had literary tastes, and at her request he\ntranslated the \"Recuyell des Histoires de Troyes\" of Raoul Le Fevre. It\nwas the demand for copies of this that exhausted Caxton's calligraphic\npatience, and led to his employment of a printer. The incident may have\nbeen casual, but it led to great results. It has been said that he\nlearned the printers' art at Cologne, but Mr. Blades supposes that he\nentered its mystery at Bruges under Colard Mansion, with whom he appears\nto have had some partnership. Probably towards the end of 1476 Caxton\nreturned to England. He had the favour of Edward IV. and of his sister,\nDuchess of Burgundy, and the friendship of the King's brother-in-law,\nEarl Rivers. Ninety-nine distinct productions issued from Caxton's\npress, he was printer, publisher, translator, and something of author as\nwell. He set in good earnest about the work that is still going on--of\nmaking the best accessible literature widely and commonly known. This\nuseful career was only ended by his death. The exact date is not known,\nbut it was probably late in 1491. He left a married daughter. Caxton was\na good business man. He was also a sincere lover of literature, and he\nwas at his favourite work of translation only a few hours before the\nfinal summons came.\nThe quality of Caxton as a translator is not a matter of much doubt. It\nmay be that the archaic forms give an additional flavour to his style,\nsince they present few difficulties to the modern reader, and yet sound\nlike echoes from the earlier periods of the language. Generally he is\ncontent to follow his author with almost plodding fidelity, but\noccasionally he makes additions which are eminently characteristic. His\nauthor having remarked:--\"Il nest an Jour Duy nulle chose qui tant\ngrieue Rome ne ytalie com~e fait le college Des notaires publiques Car\nilz ne sont mie en accort ensemble\"--Caxton improves the passage thus:--\n   \"For ther is no thynge at this day that so moche greueth rome and\n   Italye as doth the college of notaries and aduocates publicque. For\n   they ben not of oon a corde/ Alas and in Engeland what hurte doon the\n   aduocats. men of law. And attorneyes of court to the comyn peple of\n   y'e royame as well in the spirituell lawe as in the temporall/ how\n   torne they the lawe and statutes at their pleasir/ how ete they the\n   peple/ how enpouere they the comynte/ I suppose that in alle\n   Cristendom ar not so many pletars attorneys and men of the lawe as\n   ben in englond onely/ for yf they were nombrid all that lange to the\n   courtes of the channcery kinges benche. comyn place. cheker. ressayt\n   and helle And the bagge berars of the same/ hit shold amounte to a\n   grete multitude And how alle thyse lyue & of whome. yf hit shold be\n   vttrid & told/ hit shold not be beleuyd. For they entende to theyr\n   synguler wele and prouffyt and not to the comyn/\"\nAnother addition is the brief passage in the first chapter of the fourth\ntract in which the \"good old times\" are lamented and contrasted with the\ndecadence of the then present--now the four centuries past.\n   \"Alas what haboundance was some tymes in the royames. And what\n   pros\u00feite/ In whiche was Iustice/ And euery man in his office\n   contente/ how stood the cytees that tyme in worship and renome/ how\n   was renomed the noble royame of Englond Alle the world dredde hit And\n   spack worship of hit/ how hit now standeth and in what haboundance I\n   reporte me to them that knowe hit yf ther ben theeuis wyth in the\n   royame or on the see/ they knowe that laboure in the royame And sayle\n   on the see I wote well the same is grete therof I pray god saue that\n   noble royame And sende good true and politicque counceyllours to the\n   gouernours of the same &c./\"\nThe concluding paragraph of the book is also due to Caxton.\n   \"And therfore my ryght redoubted lord I pray almighty god to saue the\n   kyng our souerain lord & to gyue hym grace to yssue as a kynge &\n   tabounde in all vertues/ & to be assisted with all other his lordes\n   in such wyse y't his noble royame of Englond may prospere & habounde\n   in vertues/ and y't synne may be eschewid iuftice kepte/ the royame\n   defended good men rewarded malefactours punysshid & the ydle peple to\n   be put to laboure that he wyth the nobles of the royame may regne\n   gloriously In conquerynge his rightfull enheritaunce/ that verray\n   peas and charite may endure in bothe his royames/ and that\n   marchandise may haue his cours in suche wise that euery man eschewe\n   synne/ and encrece in vertuous occupacions/ Praynge your good grace\n   to resseyue this lityll and symple book made vnder the hope and\n   shadowe of your noble protection by hym that is your most humble\n   seruant/ in gree and thanke And I shall praye almighty god for your\n   longe lyf & welfare/ whiche he preferue And sende yow\n   thaccomplisshement of your hye noble. Ioyous and vertuous desirs\n   Amen:/: Fynysshid the last day of marche the yer of our lord god. a.\n   thousand foure honderd and lxxiiii\"\nThis was struck out in the second edition, and the following briefer\nfarewell substituted:--\n   \"Thenne late euery man of what condycion he be that redyth or herith\n   this litel book redde take therby ensaumple to amend hym.\n   Explicit per Caxton.\"\nThe alteration may perhaps be received as an evidence of our first\nEnglish printer's fastidiousness as an author.\nThe bibliography of the editions, translations, and imitations of\nCessoles is long and intricate. Details of MSS. have not been thought\nnecessary. They have been amply described by Dr. Van der Linde. The\ntreatise on the rule of princes of Colonna has been taken as furnishing\nthe matter which Jacques de Cessoles afterwards re-arranged under the\nattractive form of a description of the game of chess. The editions of\nthe Latin text are followed by particulars of the translations into\nFrench, English, Spanish, Italian, and other languages. Each title has\nappended the name of the bibliographer on whose authority it is given.\nThese are as follows:--\n_Hain._--Repertorium Bibliographicum ... opera Ludovici Hain. Stuttgart,\n_Ebert._--A General Bibliographical Dictionary, from the German of\nFrederic Adolphus Ebert. Oxford, 1837. 4 vols.\n_Gr\u00e6sse._--Tr\u00e9sor de Livres rares et pr\u00e9cieux: par Jean George Th\u00e9odore\nGr\u00e6sse. Dresde, 1859-67. 6 vols.\n_Brunet._--Manuel du Libraire par Jacques-Charles Brunei. Paris, 1860.\n_Linde._--Geschichte und Literatur des Schachspiels von Antonius van der\nLinde. Berlin, 1874.\nDas erste Jartausend der Schachlitteratur (850-1880) zusammengestellt\nvon Dr. A.v.d. Linde. Berlin, 1881.\nDr. van der Linde's work is so complete that, for the most part, it has\nbeen thought sufficient to give his name, even when older authorities\nhave been consulted.\nCOLONNA.\n(See _ant\u00e8_, p. xxviii.)\n\u00c6gidius Romanus de regimine principum L. III. s. l. 1473. Folio.\nThis Ebert and Gr\u00e6sse conjecture to have been printed by G. Zainer.\nThey describe it as the first edition of a work frequently reprinted,\nand say that the last edition appeared at Lugd. Batav. in 1643, and had\non the title-page the name of St. Thomas Aquinas as author. Hain\nmentions editions at Rome--Stephanum Plannck, 1482, folio;\nVenetiis, 1498.\n(_French translation._)\nMiroir exemplaire, selon la compilation du Gilles de Rome du regime et\ngouvernement des rois etc. (by Henri de Gauchy or de Gauchay) et avec\nest compris le secret de Aristote appell\u00e9 le secret des secrets, et les\nnoms des rois de France com bien de temps ils out regn\u00e9. Paris,\n1517. Folio.\n(_Gr\u00e6sse._)\nThis was printed by Guillaum Eustace: \"On les v=et au palais au Tiers\npillier Et a la me neufue nostre dame a lenseigne de Lagnus dei\"\n(_Brunef_). Ebert mentions a French translation as having been printed\nat Paris, in 1497; but Brunet, in the article on Aristotle, gives a\nsomewhat minute account of the book, to show that it is not that\nof Colonna.\n(_Spanish translation._)\nRegimi[=e]to de los principes sechs y ordenado par Don fray Gil de Roma de\nla orden de s[=a]t Augustin. E fizolo trasladar de lat\u00edn en rom[=a]ce do\nBernardo obispo de osma etc. Suilla--a espenses de M\u00e6stre Conrado\naleman. & Melchior gurrizo, mercadores de libros, fue impresso per\nMeynardo Ungut alememo: & Stanislas Polono compa\u00f1eros. Acabaron se a\nveynte dias del mes de octubre A\u00f1o del se\u00f1or de Mill & quarto cientos &\nnouenta & quarto [1494] folio.\n(_Hain, Brunet, Gr\u00e6ffe_.)\nEbert notes that there was an edition under the name of Th. Aquino at\nMadrid, 1625, 4to.\n(_Catalan translation_.)\nRegiment des Princeps. Barcelona per Mestre Nicolau Spindaler\nemprentador. 1480. Folio.\n(_Gr\u00e6ffe_.)\nRegiment del Princeps. Barcelona per Johan\nLuchner. 1498. Fol.\n(_Brunei, Gr\u00e6ffe_.)\n(_Italian translation_.)\nEbert mentions an Italian version by Val. Averoni. Firenze, 1577, 8vo.\n(_Gr\u00e6ffe_.)\n(_English translation_.)\nDe regimine Principum, a poem by Thomas Occleve, written in the reign of\nHenry IV. Edited for the first time by Thomas Wright, Esq., M.A.,\nF.S.A., &c. Printed for the Roxburghe Club. London, J.B. Nichols.\n(See _ant\u00e8_, p. xxxii., for notice of another Early English version.)\nCESSOLES.\n(See _ant\u00e8_, p. xxiv.)\nIncipit solati[=u] ludi schacor. Scilicz regiminis ac morum nominu= et\nofficium viror' nobili[=u] quor' si quis formas menti impresserit bellum\nipsum et ludi virtutem cordi faciliter poterit optinere. (E)Go frater\niacobus de thessolonia multor' fratru= &c. Ends: Explicit folaci[=u] ludi\nschacor'. Folio. 40 leaves.\nThere is neither date, place, nor printer's name given; but it is\nconsidered to have been the work of Nic. Ketel\u00e6r and Ger. de Leempt, at\nUtrecht (Ultrajectus), about 1473.\n(_Linde, Gr\u00e6sse_.)\nIncipit libellus de ludo Scaccorum, et de dictis factisque nobilium\nvirorum, philosophorum et antiquorum. Explicit tabula super ludum\nScacchorum. Deo gratias. 4to. 29 leaves. Sign. A--H.\nThis is in black letter, and has neither date nor place.\n(_Linde_.)\nIncipit libelles de ludo Schaccorum.... Explicit doctrina vel morum\ninformatio, accepta de modo et ordine Ludi Schaccorum. 4to.\n(_Linde_.)\nIncipit liber quem composuit frater. Jacobus' de cessolis ordinis\nfratr[=u] predicatorum qui intitulatur liber de moribus hominum et\nofficiis nobilium super ludo scacorum. Impressum Mediolani ad impensas\nPaulini de suardis Anno a natali christiano. MCCCCLXXviiij. die xxiij.\nMensis augusti. Folio. 24 leaves.\n(_Linde, Gr\u00e6sse_.)\nJacobi de Cessolis Ord. Pr\u00e6d. Informatio morum, excerpta ex modo et\nratione ludi Scacchorum; sive de moribus hominum officiisque nobilium et\nsuper eo commentarius. Mediolani. 1497. Folio.\n(_Linde, Gr\u00e6sse_.)\nTractatus de Scachis mistice interpretatus de moribus per singulos\nhomin[=u] status. 4to. Anno 1505.\nOn leaf 31b:--\n    Qum paucis rigidos possis compescere mons\n    Accipe: quod offert hiberna ex arce Johannes\n    Scacherii munus: sapiens Philometer et illud\n    Tradidit. ut regis babilonis crimina mergat\n    Hunc tibi si soties capiet te lectio frequens\n    Noveris et iuste que ius moderamina vite.\"\nNo place or date, but supposed to be printed at Vienna, by Joh.\nWinterburg.\n(_Linde, Gr\u00e6sse_.)\nJacobus de Cessoles. Von Prof. Dr. Ernft K\u00f6pke, Mittheilungen, aus den\nHandschriften der Ritter. Akademie zu Brandenburg. Brandenburg a.d.\nHavel, 1879, 4to.\n(_Linde_, \"Jartausend.\")\n(_French translation_.)\nLes jeu des Echez moralis\u00e9, nouvellement imprim\u00e9 \u00e0 Paris (ends). Cy\nfinist le livre des Echez et l'Ordre de Chevalerie, translat\u00e9 de latin\nen fran\u00e7ois, imprim\u00e9 nouvellement \u00e0 Paris; et fut achev\u00e9 le vendredy,\nVI'e jour de septembre, l'an MVC et IIII, pour Anthoine Verart, libraire\njur\u00e9 en l'universit\u00e9 de Paris, demourant \u00e0 Paris, \u00e0 l'imaige Sainct\nJehan l'evangeliste, devant la rue neufve Nostre Dame, &c. Folio,\n102 leaves.\n(_Linde._)\n\"On trouve an f. LX un autre trait\u00e9 de Morale et an f. lxxxij celui de\n_Melibee et de Prudence_. Il y a \u00e0 la bibl. imp. un exempl. de cette \u00e9d.\ntir\u00e9 sur v\u00e9lin et orn\u00e9 de 4 Miniatures.\"\n(_Gr\u00e6sse._)\nLe Jeu de Echets moralis\u00e9 ... Cy finist le liure des eschecz et lordre\nde cheualerie, translatt\u00e9e de latin en fran\u00e7oys imprim\u00e9 \u00e0 Paris: et fut\nacheu\u00e9 le xiiii iour de nouembre mil cinq cent et cinq. Par Michel le\nnoir libraire ... demourant deuant Saint Denys de la chartre \u00e0 limaige\nnostre dame. 90 leaves.\n(_Linde._)\nOn trouve \u00e0 la fin du _Livre de l'ordre de chevalerie_ le m\u00eame Dialogue\nentre Melib\u00e9e et Prudence sous le titre: _Ung petit traictie a\nlenseignement et au prouffit de tous princes barons & aultres que le\nvouldront entendre & garder lequel fut fonde & extrait d'une fiction\ntrouvee en escript_. Ce qui a induit _Du Verdier_ (vol. i. p. 556) en\nerreur de croire que cette traduction, publi\u00e9e en 1505, diff\u00e8re de\ncelle de 1504.\n(_Gr\u00e6sse._)\n{_Italian translation_.}\nLibro di Giuocho di Scacchi intitulato de costumi degli huomin et degli\nofficii de nobili. 4to.\n\"Ohne Angabe des Druckortes und des Jahres. Ausser dem\nTitelblattbildchen bringt das Buch dreizehn Abbildungen, welche die von\nCessoles auf dem Schachbrett statuirten W\u00fcrden und Gewerke darstellen.\"\n(_Linde_)\nLibro di givocho di scacchi intitulato de costumi degl huomini & degli\noffitii de nobili. (Fol. 2a:) In comincia un tractato gentile & utile\ndella uirtu del giuocho degli scachi cioe intitulato de costumi\ndeglhuomini & degli ufitii denobili: composto pel Reu[=e]redo M\u00e6stro\nJacopo dacciesole dellordine de fratri predicatori. Fol. 67b: Impresso\nin Fir[=e]ze per M\u00e6stro Antonio Miscomini Anno M.CCCCLXXXXIII. Adi primo\ndi Marzo 8vo.\n(_Linde_.)\n\"Cette ed. bien incorrecte quant an texte (comme les reimpressions: f.\nl. 1534, in 8vo. [56 ff.] I 1. 206, Gallarini) est recherch\u00e9e pour ses\nbelles gravures en bois, don't une partie a \u00e9t\u00e9 copi\u00e9e par Dibdin, Aedes\nAlthorp, vol. ii. p. 5-13. II y a une nouvelle \u00e9dition: _Mil. tipogr. di\nGiulio Terrario_, 1829, gr. in 8\u00b0, avec des copies de ces m\u00eames figures\net des corrections du texte d'apr\u00e8s des de Florence. On a tir\u00e9 de cette\nderni\u00e8re \u00e9dition 24 exempl. _in carte distinte_, 1 sur peau velin\nd'Augsbourg et 1 _in capretti di Roma_.\"\n(_Gr\u00e6sse_.)\nOpera nvova nella quale se insigna il vero regimento delli huomini &\ndelle do[=n]e di qualunqu grado, stato, e condition esser si voglia:,\nComposta per lo Reuerendissimo Padre Frate Giacobo da Cesole del ordine\ndi predicatori sopra il giuoco delli Scacchi, Intitulata Costvme delli\nhvomini, & vfficii delli nobeli, nuouamente Stampata. M.D. XXXIIII.\nStampata in Vineggia per Fransesco di Alessandro Bin doni & Mapheo\nPasini compagni: Nelli anni del Signore, 1534. del mese di Zenaro 8vo.\n56 leaves.\n(_Linde_.)\nVolgarizzamento del libro de' costumi e degli officii de' nobili sopra\nil giuoco degli scacchi di frate Jacopo da Cessole tratto nuovamente da\nun codice Magliabechiano. Milano, 1829. Dalla tipografia del dottore\nGiulio Ferrario Contrado del Bocchetto al No. 2465 8vo. Pp. xx and 162,\nand 1 leaf.\n(_Linde_.)\n_Catalan translation_.\nThis does not appear to have been printed. There is a codex in the\nVatican and another at Barcelona. They are described by Linde. See ante,\np. xxviii.\n_Spanish translation_.\nDechado de la vida humana. moralmento Sacado del juego del Axedrez.\ntradizado agora de nuevo per el licenciado Reyna Vezino della Villa de\nAranda de duero. En este a\u00f1o M.D.XLIX. 4to. 56 leaves.\nPrinted at Valladolid by Francifque Fernandes de Cordoue.\n(_Linde_.)\n_German translation_.\nIch bruder Jacob von Caffalis prediger ordens, bin \u00fcberwunder worden von\nder bruder gebet ... (Ends.) Hie endet sich das buch menschlicher sitten\nvnd d'ampt der edeln. Folio. 40 leaves.\nWithout place or year, but printed before the year 1480.\n(_Linde_.)\nI (Ch) bruder Jacob von Cassalis prediger ordens bin vberwunden worden\nvo(n) der br\u00fcder gebet wegen vn(d) der weltlichen studenten vn(d) andern\nedlen leut die mich haben horen predigen das spil das do heysset\nschachzabel. Das ich davon gemacht hab ditz buch. vn(d) hab das pracht\nzenutz menschlichs geschlechts. Vn(d) hab es geheissen das buch\nmenschlicher sitten vnnd der ampt der edlen ... (Ends.) Hie endet sich\ndas buch menschlicher sitten vnd der ampt der edeln I.4.7.7. Folio.\n40 leaves.\nThis is believed to have been printed with the type of G. Zainer at\nAugftmrg.\n(_Linde_)\n(I)ch bruder Jacob vo(n) Cassalis prediger ordens bin vberwunden worden\nvon der br\u00fcder gebet ... (Ends.) Hie endet sich das Buch menschlicher\nsitten vnd der ampt der edlen. Gedruckt zu Augsburg in der\nKayserliche(n)stat anno dni MCCCC LXXX IIJ. am osterabe(n)t geent.\nFolio. 36 leaves.\n(_Linde_.)\nDis buchlein weiset die aufzlegung des schachzabel spils, Vnd\nmenschlicher fitten, Auch von den ampten der edeln. (Leaf Aiia)\n(I)ch bruder Jacob vo(n) Cassalis prediger orde(n)s ... (Leaf 39b)\nGetruckt vnd volendet von henrico knoblochzern in der hochgelobten stat\nStrassburg vff Sant Egidius tag In dem LXXX iij Jor. &c. Folio.\n39 leaves.\n(_Linde_.)\nJacobus de Cessolis, de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium ac\npopularium; oder, Das Schachwerk des Cessolis, von den Sitten der\nMenschen und den Pflichten der Vornehmen und Niedern. Von Heydebrand v.\nd. Lafa. (Schachzeitung, 1870.)\n(_Linde._)\n(_German rhyming version of Conrad von Ammenhausen_.)\nUeber das Schachzabelbuch Konrads von Ammenhausen und die Zofinger\nHandsschrift desselben, von Wilhelm Wackernagel (Beitrage zur Geschichte\nund Literatur vorzuglich aus den Archiven und Bibliotheken des Kanton\nAargau. Herausgegeben von Dr. Heinrich Kurz ... und Placid Weissenbach.\nErster Band. Aarau 1846.)\nDr. van der Linde gives particulars of various MSS. of this rhyming\nversion of Cessolis.\n(_German rhyming version of Dr. Jacob Mennel_.)\nSchachzabel. (Ends.) Getruckt vund vollendet in der loblichen statt\nCostentz vo Hanfen sch\u00e4ffeler. Vf zinftag vor sant Vits tag Anno M. cccc\nvn vii iar. 4to 13 leaves. Sig. a ii--c ii.\nIn the prologue Jacob Mennel, doctor, claims the paternity of this\nrhyming treatise, but he is supposed to have taken much of his\nmaterial--ready made--from Ammenhausen.\nSchachtzabel Spiel. D Esz Ritterlich[=e] kunst lich[=e] Schachtzabel Spiels\nvnderweygung, ercl\u00e4rung, vn(d) verstant, wo here das kommen, were das am\nersten erfunden, vund ausz was vrsach es erdacht sey, Auch wie man das\nk\u00fcnstlich lernen ziehen vn(d) spielen solle, sampt etlich[=e] kunstlich[=e]\ngeteylten spielen &c. [Illustration: hand] Zu dem Schachtzieher.\n   \"Dein Augen scherpff, nicht uberseh\n    Dem wyderteyl, sleiszlich nach speh,\n    Wie fich geb\u00fcrt, im Feld und Heer,\n    Dein volck das schich an zu der weer,\n    Vnd orden das recht an dem streyt,\n    Ders \u00fcberlicht, gern vnden leyt.\"\nGetruckt zu Oppenheym. 4to.\nThis second edition was issued by Jacob K\u00f6bel, who printed about 1520.\n(_Linde._)\nDes Altenn Ritterlichenn spils des Schachzabels, gr\u00fcntlich bedeutung\nvund klarer bericht, dasselbig k\u00fcnstlich zuziehenn vund spilen. Mit ein\nnewenn zusatz ettlicher besonderen Meisterst\u00fcck, nach der Current,\nwelfchen art, vn(d) von Hutten, deszgleichen ettlichener besondern\nRegeln des Schachziehens, vormals nie auszgangen. Franckfurt, 1536. 4to.\n(_Linde._)\nVnderweifzung, erkl\u00e4rung, vund auszlegung desz Ritterlichenn,\nkunstlichenn spielfz des Schachzabels, durch den Hochgelartenn Doctor\nJacob Mennel... auff dem heiligen Reichsztag zu Kostentz, Anno &c. 1507\nin Rheimen gedicht, vund desselbinn spiels Vrsprung vn(d) wesenn, Auch\nwie man das auff das aller kurtzest zu ziehenn vund spilen begreissen\nmag, offenbart. Frankfurt, 1536, 4to.\nThis is given on the authority of Massmann by Dr. van der Linde.\nDas Schachzabelspiel. Des alten ritterlichen Spiels des Schachzabels'\ngr\u00fcndlich Bedeutung... Frankf. 1536. [Reprint.]\nDr. van der Linde does not speak well of this reprint which appeared\nin:--Schaltjahr, welches ist der teutsch Kalendar, durch J. Scheible.\nDritter Band. Stuttgart, 1847.\n(_German rhyming version of Heinrich von Beringen._)\nThere is a third rhyming version of the Chessbook by Heinrich von\nBeringer, of which a MS., dated 1438, is in the Stuttgart library.\n(_Linde._)\n(_Low German rhyming translation by Stephan._)\nVan dogheden vnde van guden zeden fecht dyt boek wol dat valen ouer left\nde wert ok des schackspeles klock. (Lubeck, about 1489.) Small 4to. or\nlarge 8vo.\n    \"Hir gheyt vth ghemaket to dude\n    Dat schackspil der eddelen lude\n    Des bokes dichter het stephan.\"\n(_Linde._)\n(_Dutch Translation._)\n(D)It is die tafel van desen boeck datmen hiet dat sc\u00e6cspel (Fol. 2'a)\n(H)Ier beghint ee suuerlyc boec vanden tytuerdryf edelre heren ende\nvrouwen. als vande sc\u00e6c spul. d\u00e6r nochtant een ygherlyck mensche van\nwat st\u00e6t dat hi si. vele scoenre en(de) saliger leren wt neme(n) mach.\nn\u00e6 welcken hi syn leuen sal regieren tot profyt ende salicheyt synre\nsielen (Fol. 67'b), ghebruyken Amen In i\u00e6r ons heren dusent vierhondert\nende neghentseuentich. opten anderden dach van october, soe is dit\nghenoechlycke boeck voleynt en(de) Ghem\u00e6ct ter goude in hollant. by my\ngher\u00e6rt leeu. Lof heb god Folio.\n(_Linde._)\nTractat van den Tydverdryf der Edele Heeren ende Vrouwen, genoemt dat\nsc\u00e6kspel, verciert met veele schoone historien (Ends:) Int i\u00e6r ons\nheren M.CCCC.LXXXIII. opten veertienden dach van februario: so is dat\nghenoecklike bock volm\u00e6ckt te Delff in hollant. 4to.\n(_Linde._)\nHier beghint een suyuerlijck boeck vande(n) tytuerdrijf edelre heere(n)\nende vrouwen, als vanden sc\u00e6ck spel, d\u00e6r nochtans een ieghelijck\nme(n)sche va wat st\u00e6t dz by sy, vele scoonre en(de) saligher\nleerighe(n) wt nemen mach, n\u00e6 welcken hy sijn leuen sal regeren tot\nprofijt ende salicheyt synre sielen. (Ends.) Gheprint tot Louen in de\nBorchstrate in den Lup\u00e6rt by my Anthonis Maria Bergaigne ghesworen\nboecprinter. Int i\u00e6r ons Heren. M.CCCCC. ende LI. den VI. dach van\nAugustus. 8vo. 120 leaves.\n(_Linde_.)\n(_Scandinavian rhyming translation_.)\nDe ludo Scacchorum seu de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium ac\npopularium. Poema suecanum vetustum. e codice manuscripto biblioth. Reg.\nUniversitatis Havn. nunc primum editum. quod consensu ampl. ord. phil.\nLund. p.p. Ernestus Rietz et Augustus Ludovicus Sj\u00f6berg, scanus in\nAcademia Carolina die vi Decembris MDCCCXLVIII. Lund\u00e6, Typis\nBerlingianis. MDCCCXLVIII. 8vo.\nFourteen dissertations, of which there is a set in the Jena Library.\nThere is a MS. of this Scandinavian poetical version of Cessolis dated\n1492, and another dated 1492 in the Kopenhagen University Library.\n(_Linde_.)\n(_English translation._)\nThe Game and Playe of the Chesse. folio. E. P.\nThe Game and Playe of the Chesse. Explicit per Caxton. folio.\nThe Game at Chesse, a metaphorical Discourse shewing the present Estate\nof this Kingdome. London. 1643, 4to.\nThis title is given by Lowndes, but examination only would show whether\nit is in any way an imitation of Caxton.\nThe Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. [Facsimile reprint of the\nsecond edition, with remarks by Vincent Figgins.] London: J. R. Smith,\n1855. folio.\nThe Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. Reproduced in facsimile from a\ncopy in the British Museum. With a few remarks on Caxton's Typographical\nProductions. By Vincent Figgins. London: John Russell Smith. 1860.\nThe Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. A facsimile reproduction of\nthe first work printed in England, from the copy in the British Museum.\nLondon: Tr\u00fcbner and Co. 1862. fol.\nCaxton and the Spelling Reform. [Signed] Isaac Pitman, Bath, 10th March,\nThis contains an extract from the \"Game of the Chess\" in four\ncolumns:--i. Caxton's spelling. 2. The supposed pronunciation of the\nsame represented by the Phonetic alphabet. 3. Modern spelling. 4.\nPhonetic spelling.\nThe Game of the Chesse: a moral treatise on the duties of life. The\nFirst Book Printed in England, by William Caxton in the year 1474.\nReprinted in Phonetic spelling, with a preface and contents in Caxton's\northography, and a fac-simile page of the original work. Second edition.\nLondon, F. Pitman. Bath, Isaac Pitman, James Davies. 1872 [1879].\nThe printing of this book began in 1872, when the title-page and earlier\nsheets were worked, but it was not finished until May, 1879. This is the\nsecond time that Mr. Pitman has printed the Chess-book in his reformed\northography. The first issue was in 1855. Although the title-page\nrepeats the old belief that \"The Game of Chess\" was the first book\nprinted in England, and gives the date of 1474, it is really a reprint\nof the second edition of Caxton.\n(_Sloane's version_.)\nThe Buke of the Chesse. Auchinleck Press. 1818. 4to.\nThis is printed from a MS. which is believed to have been written about\nthe beginning of the sixteenth century. The work is in verse, and ends:\n\"Heir endis y'e buke of y'e Chess, Script per manu Jhois Sloane.\" Only\nforty copies were reprinted by Sir Alexander Boswell at the\nAuchinleck Press.\n(_Linde. Lowndes_.)\nThe \"Game and Play of the Chess\" is an interesting specimen of medi\u00e6val\nEnglish literature. It is so near our own time that the language\nprefents few difficulties, in spite of its many Gallicisms, and yet it\nis so remote as to seem like the echo of an unknown world. The\ndistinctly dogmatic portions of the book are but few, and their paucity\nis indeed a matter of some surprise, since it is in effect a detailed\ntreatise on practical ethics, and is, in part if not wholly,\nsystematized from the discourses of one distinguished preacher, who had\nborrowed much of his matter from another eminent ecclesiastic. The\nauthor aims not at the enforcement of doctrine, but at the guidance of\nlife, though he no doubt assumes that his hearers are all faithful and\northodox sons of the Church.[22]\nThe ideal of the commonwealth of the middle ages finds an interesting\nexpression. The sharp lines of demarcation between class and class are\nstated with the frankness that comes of a belief that the then existing\nsocial fabric was the only one possible in the best of worlds. There is\nno doubt in the author's mind as to the rightful position of king and\nbaron, of bishp and merchant. The \"rights of man\" had not been invented,\napparently, and the maxim that the king reigns but does not govern,\nwould have perplexed the souls of Cessoles and his translators. They had\nno more doubt as to the divine right of the monarch, than the Thibetan\nhas of the divine right of the grand lama. The Buddhist thinks he has\nsecured the continuous re-appearance of supernatural wisdom in human\nform, and the regular transmission of political ability in the same\nfamily was the ideal for which the devotees of medi\u00e6val despotism had to\nhope. Nothing could be further from the aspirations of our author than a\nrace of mere palace kings seeking enjoyment only in self-indulgence. The\nking was to be the ruler and leader of his people. The relation and\ninterdependence of the several classes is emphatically proclaimed, and\nthe claims of duty are urged upon each.\nThe book enables us to gauge the literary culture of the thirteenth,\nfourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. Poor as it may now seem, it\nbelonged, in those days, to the \"literature of power,\" and had great\ninfluence. The form is one which lent itself readily to poetic and\nhistoric illustration, and indeed demanded such treatment. The authors\nand translators were chiefly learned and distinguifhed ecclesiastics.\nCaxton, the representative of the new time when literature was to be the\ncommon heritage, was filled to overflowing with the best literature then\naccessible. A writer of the present century, probably borrowing his\nsentiment, has defined originality to be undetected imitation. Such\nrefinements were unknown to Cessoles and his contemporaries. A writer\ntook whatever suited his purpose from any and every source that was open\nto him. A quotation was always as good as an original sentiment, and\nsometimes much better. Why should a man take the trouble of laboriously\ninventing fresh phrases about usury or uncleanness when there were the\nvery words of St. Augustine or St. Basil ready to hand? Why seek modern\ninstances when the great storehouse of anecdotes of Valerius Maximus was\nready to be rifled? Very frequently the author is given, mostly it may\nbe imagined from a sense of the value of the authority of the names thus\ncited. Whatever the intention of the writer, the effect is to show us\nwhat were the authors known, studied, and quoted in the middle ages.\nThe authors named are:--Saint Ambrose (2 references), Anastasius (1),\nAvicenna (2), Saint Augustine (9), Saint Basil (1), Saint Bernard (2),\nBoethius (3), Cassiodorus (1), Cato (5), Cicero (6), Claudian (2),\n\"Crete\" (1), Diomedes (1), Florus (1), Galen (1), Helinand (4),\nHippocrates (4), Homer (1), Saint Jerome (3), John the Monk (1),\nJosephus (4), Livy (2), Lucan (1), Macrobius (1), Martial (1), Ovid (6),\nPaulus Diaconus (1), Petrus Alphonsus (2), Plato (4), Quintilian (3),\nSallust (1), Seneca (15), Sidrac (1), Solinus (1), Symmachus (1),\nTheophrastus (1), \"Truphes of the Philosophers\" (2), Turgeius Pompeius\n(1), Valerius Maximus (23), Valerian (7), Varro (1), Virgil (2), \"Vitas\nPatrum\" (2).\nIt will be seen that the great classical writers are but poorly\nrepresented, and the main dependence has been upon the later essayists,\nand chiefly upon Valerius Maximus, who has pointed many of the morals\nenforced in this book. It may, perhaps, be doubted if the writer had\nmore to work from than Valerius, Seneca, and St. Augustine, with\noccasional quotations such as memory would supply from other sources.\nThe verification of all these quotations would not repay the labour it\nwould involve; but in most cases where the experiment has been tried,\nthe result has been fairly creditable to the old author.\nThe biblical allusions may be taken as typical. There are references to\nthe \"bible,\" \"holy scripture,\" \"Ecclesiastes,\" and \"Canticles.\" There\nalso occur the names of Adam, Eve, Abel, Cain, Noah, Ham, Lot, David,\nAbner, Joab, Abishai, Solomon, Isaiah, Evilmerodach, Belshazzar, Darius,\nCyrus, Tobias, John the Baptist, and Paul. The citations are not all\nliterally exact. Solomon had not a very good opinion of his fellow-men;\nbut the comprehensive estimate of the number of fools with which he is\ncredited on p. 3 is not to be found in the writings canonically\nattributed to him. The quotation from the Canticles on p. 25 may be\ncompared with the translation in the Wicliffite verfion made by Nicholas\nde Hereford, A. D. 1380. This passage is rendered: \"His left hond is\nvndur myn heed; and his ri3t hond shal biclippe me\" (\"Song of Solomon,\"\nii. 6). Clip is still current in Lancashire, in the sense of embrace.\nThe extract from St. Paul, with which the prologue to the second edition\nopens, is no doubt intended for the following passage: \"All Scripture is\ngiven by inspiration of God, and is profitable for doctrine, for\nreproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness\" (2 Tim.\nIn the reference to the Athenians (p. 16), we seem to hear an echo of\nthe words: \"For all the Athenians and strangers that were there spent\ntheir time in nothing else, but either to tell or to hear some new thing\n\" (Acts xvii. 21).\nThe most curious reference to a biblical personage is that relating to\nEvilmerodach (p. 10). Cessoles seems to have been the first to associate\nthe name of the son of Nebuchadnezzar with the invention of the game of\nchess. The biblical references to Evilmerodach are few; they throw no\nlight on the reason of his selection by the medi\u00e6val scribe for a bad\npre-eminence of parricide. The epithet of _joli_ applied to the king has\nan odd effect, followed as it is by the narrative of his most unfilial\nconduct. Dr. Van der Linde shows how widely the legend spread. Lydgate\nevidently hesitates between the divided authority of Guido--that is,\nColonna, the author of the Troy book--and Cessoles, whom he quotes\nthrough Jacobus de Vitriaco.[23]\nAmongst the authors not identified are \"Crete\" (p. 133), and Diomedes\n(p. 10). The account of the origin of chess attributed to the last is\namplified a little further on. The legend that Palamedes invented a game\nof this kind at the siege of Troy is emphatically rejected by our\nauthor, who pins his fame on Xerxes, a Greek philosopher! This became\nthe received opinion, as may be gathered from the unhesitating language\nof Polydore Vergil in a passage which is thus rendered by John\nLangley:--\"The chesse were invented the year of the world 3635, by a\ncertain Wise man called Xerxes, to declare to a Tyrant, that Majesty or\nAuthority without strength, assistance & help of his subjects, was\ncasual feeble & subject to many calamities of fortune; his intent was to\nbreak the fierce cruelty of his heart, by fear of such dangers as might\ncome to passe in the life of man.\" [24]\nThe curious treatise which contains the supposed conversations of King\nBocchus and the philosopher Sidrac (p. 171) was a favourite science book\nof the middle ages. It is probably of oriental origin, but there are\neditions in Latin, French, German, Flemish, Dutch, Italian, and English.\nBy way of question and answer very decided statements are made on a wide\nvariety of topics of which the author was profoundly ignorant. The\nparticular part referred to by Cessoles is chap, cclxxxi: \"Pourquoy\nsacostent les hommes charnellement aux femmes grosses et les bestes ne\nle font pas?\"[25] John the Monk (p. 70) is the noted canonist Giovanni\nAndrea, who died at the plague of Bologna in 1347. His learning gained\nhim such titles as _rabbi doctorum_ and _normaque morum_. His\ncommentaries on the decretals were frequently reprinted. He gave the\nname of \"Novell\u00e6\" to this work after the name of his mother and\ndaughter. His code of morality contained no prohibition of literary\ntheft, for his additions to the \"Speculum Juris\" of Durand are said to\nhave been taken bodily from Oddrale. In the same magnificent manner he\nappropriated the treatise \"De Sponsalibus et Matrimonio\" of Anguissola.\nHis daughter Novella was a learned woman, and became the wife of\nGiovanni Calderino, a jurist of Bologna. Their son, Gaspard Calderino,\nwrote a commentary on the decretals. Father, daughter, son-in-law, and\ngrandson appear to have all been experts in the canon law.[26]\nThe reference to the \"first book of the Truphes of the Philosophers by\nfigure\" does not convey a very definite idea as to the particular work\nintended. It must have been somewhat miscellaneous in character, for one\nextract describes the fountain of the syrens (p. 122), and the other is\nan anecdote, which though told here of Julius C\u00e6sar (p. 71), is really\nthe story of the soldier who had fought at Actium with Augustus C\u00e6sar.\nIt occurs also in the \"Gesta Romanorum,\" where the emperor is\nnamed Agyos.\n\"Helmond\" (p. 33, &c.) is intended for Helinand, who died some time\nafter 1229. After a brilliant period at the court of Philip Augustus,\nwhere he is represented as reciting his heroic verses before the king\nand his surrounding, he became a monk of the Cistercian Abbey of\nFroidmont. One of his surviving poems deals with the melancholy subject\nof death. The \"Flores Helinandi\" are said to have been popular as well\nas his \"Chronique.\" He is also the reputed author of some sermons, and\nof the life of St. Gereon, published by the Bollandists, and of other\nworks still inedited. He is sometimes confounded with another French\nmonk of the same name, who lived in the eleventh century, and was an\ninmate of the monastery at Persigne in Maine. This second Helinand was\nthe author of commentaries or glosses on the Apocalypse and Exodus.[27]\nThe first-named has been credited with the authorship of \"Gesta\nRomanorum.\" The grounds for this are very slight. \"On a longtemps ignor\u00e9\nle nom de l'auteur de cette compilation, mais un passage du 68^e\ndialogue du livre intitul\u00e9 'Dialogus creaturarum' nous le r\u00e9vele par ces\nmots: _Elimandus in gestis romanorum_.\"[28] But, as Sir F. Madden and\nMr. Herrtage have pointed out, the name of \"Gesta Romanorum\" was given\nto any book treating of Roman affairs. A French translation of Livy, by\nRobert Gaguin, has been catalogued as a version of the \"Gesta.\" The\nreference cited by Brunet is to the Chroniques of Helinand.[29]\nMany of the stories and anecdotes are the commonplaces of ancient\nhistory, such as the friendship of Damon and Pythias, the sword of\nDamocles, the chastity of Scipio, the magnanimity of Alexander, the\nfable of the Dog and the Shadow, &c. Others current in the middle ages\nhad great popularity, and even in our own days occasionally renew their\nyouth. The story of John of Ganazath (p. 48) is to be found in Occleve's\ntranslation of Colonna. Mr. Thomas Wright remarks: \"This story, under\ndifferent forms, was a very common one in the middle ages. One version\nwill be found in my 'Latin Stories,' p. 28. It will hardly be necessary\nto remark that the story of King Lear and his daughters is another\nversion.\"[30]\nThe story appears also in some modern compilations. In one instance it\nis given as the will of Jehan Connaxa, of Antwerp, about 1530.[31] The\nincident is given in the following form in the popular collection known\nas the \"Percy Anecdotes\":[32]--\n\"An eminent trader at Lyons, who had acquired an easy fortune, had two\nhandsome daughters, between whom, on their marriage, he divided all his\nproperty, on condition that he should pass the summer with one and the\nwinter with the other. Before the end of the first year, he found\nsufficient grounds to conclude that he was not a very acceptable guest\nto either; of this, however, he took no notice, but hired a handsome\nlodging, in which he resided a few weeks; he then applied to a friend,\nand told him the truth of the matter, desiring the gift of two hundred\nlivres, and the loan of fifty thousand, in ready money, for a few hours.\nHis friend very readily complied with his request; and the next day the\nold gentleman made a very splendid entertainment, to which his daughters\nand their husbands were invited. Just as dinner was over, his friend\ncame in a great hurry; told him of an unexpected demand upon him, and\ndesired to know whether he could lend him fifty thousand livres. The old\nman told him, without any emotion, that twice as much was at his\nservice, if he wanted it; and going into the next room, brought him the\nmoney. After this, he was not suffered to stay any longer in lodgings;\nhis daughters were jealous if he stayed a day more in one house than the\nother; and after three or four years spent with them, he died; when,\nupon examining his cabinet, inftead of livres, there was found a note\ncontaining these words: 'He who has suffered by his virtues, has a right\nto avail himself of the vices of those by whom he has been injured; and\na father ought never to be so fond of his children as to forget what is\ndue to himself.'\"\nAmongst other versions of the story is a novelle by Giovanni Brevio,\npublished as part of his \"Rime\" in 1545. Piron's comedy of \"Les Fils\nIngrats,\" also known as \"L'Ecole des P\u00e8res,\" appeared in 1728. \"The\nstory,\" adds Dunlop, \"is also told in the 'Pieuses Recreations d'Angelin\nGaz\u00e9e,' and is told in the 'Colloquia Mensalia' of Luther, among other\nexamples to deter fathers from dividing their property during life among\ntheir children--a practice to which they are in general little\naddicted.\"[33]\nThere is yet another verfion of the story in John of Bromyard's \"Summa\nPredicantium.\" After describing the discovery of the club it says, \"in\nquo Anglice scriptum erat\"--\n    \"Wyht fuyle a betel be he smetyn,\n    That al the werld hyt mote wyten,\n    That gyfht his sone al his thing,\n    And goht hym self a beggyn.\"\nMr. Wright gives another version, and adds that he is inclined to think\nthat the story and verses had some connection with \"a superstition not\nyet forgotten, which is thus told by Aubrey in his 'Remains of Gentilism'\"\n(Thorn's \"Anecdotes and Traditions,\" p. 84)--\"The Holy Mawle, which\nthey fancy was hung behind the church door, which when the father was\nseaventie, the sonne might fetch to knock his father in the head, as\neffete and of no more use.\"[34]\nHerodotus has attributed the same unfilial conduct to some Indian\ntribes.\nThe incident of St. Bernard playing at dice for a soul (p. 151), is in\nthe \"Gesta Romanorum.\" The anecdote how a son induced his father to\nbecome a monk (p. 81) which is quoted from the \"Vitas Patrum\" is also in\nthe \"Gesta Romanorum,\" and has so much of the Buddhist flavour as to\ngive rise to the suspicion that it comes from an Oriental source.[35]\nThe story of two merchants quoted from Petrus Alphonsus is also in the\n\"Gesta Romanorum.\" It is the foundation of Lydgate's \"Two Friends,\" and\nis beyond doubt an Eastern importation. In a MS. of the \"Speculum\nLaicorum,\" described by Prof. Ingram, the writer has transformed one of\nthe merchants into an Englishman.[36]\nThe story quoted from \"Paul, the historiagraph of the Lombards\" (p. 46),\nis also given in the \"Gesta Romanorum.\" Mr. Herrtage says it is\n\"evidently founded on the classical legend of Tarpeia.\" The narrative in\nthe chess-book is taken from Paulus Diaconus.[37]\nThe stratagem by which deposited money was recovered from a dishonest\ntrustee (p. 114) is told by Petrus Alphonsus, and is also in the \"Gesta\nRomanorum.\"\nThe story of the danger of drunkenness (p. 129) was a favourite with our\nforefathers. It is given by John of Bromyard, and is the subject of a\nfabliau which is given by Meon.[38]\nThe somewhat violent remedy recorded as having been adopted by\nDemosthenes (p. 103) will remind some readers of a passage in the life\nof St. Francis of Assisi. \"He had given up,\" says Mrs. Oliphant,\n\"without hesitation, as would appear, all the indefinite sweetness of\nyouthful hopes. But, nevertheless, he was still young, still a man, with\nhuman instincts and wishes, the tenderest nature, and an imagination\nfull of all the warmth and grace of his age and his country. It does not\nappear that he ever put into words the musings which caught him\nunawares--the relics of old dreams or soft recollections which now and\nthen would steal into his heart. But one night suddenly he rose from the\nearthen floor which was his bed, and rushed out into the night in an\naccess of rage and passion and despair. A certain brother who was\npraying in his cell, peering, wondering, through his little window, saw\nhim heap together seven masses of snow in the clear moonlight. 'Here is\nthy wife,' he said to himself; 'these four are thy sons and daughters,\nthe other two are thy servant and thy handmaid; and for all these thou\nart bound to provide. Make haste, then, and provide clothing for them,\nlest they perish with cold. But if the care of so many trouble thee, be\nthou careful to serve our Lord alone.' Bonaventura, who tells the story,\ngoes on, with the true spirit of a monkish historian, to state how, 'the\ntempter being vanquished, departed, and the holy man returned victorious\nto his cell.' The piteous human yearning that is underneath this wild\ntale, the sudden access of self-pity and anger, mixed with a strange\nattempt, not less piteous than the longing, at self-consolation--all the\nstruggle and conflict of emotion which stilled themselves, at least for\na moment, by that sudden plunge into the snow, and wild, violent, bodily\nexertion, are either lost upon the teller of the tale, or perhaps he\nfears to do his master injustice by revealing any consciousness of the\npossibility of such thoughts. But it is a very remarkable peculiarity of\nFrancis's history, that whereas every saint in the Calendar, from Antony\ndownwards, is sometimes troubled with visions of voluptuous delight,\nonly Francis, in his pure dreams, is tempted by the modest joys of wife\nand children--the most legitimate and tenderest love.\"[39]\nThe reader must not expect any historical exactitude or critical spirit\nfrom our author. For his purpose a narrative was just as useful whether\ntrue or false, but it probably never occurred to him to question the\nexact truth of any statement that he found written in a book. The murder\nof Seneca (p. 9) is certainly not the least of the many crimes which\nstain the memory of Nero, but the circumstances of his death are not\nexactly described by the medi\u00e6val scribe. Whether the philosopher and\nformer tutor was implicated in the conspiracy of Piso may be doubted,\nbut some ambiguous phrases he had used were reported to the Em\u00feeror,\nwhose messenger demanded an explanation of their meaning. The reply of\nSeneca was either unsatisfactory or the tyrant had decided to be rid of\nhis former guide. As in more recent times in Japan the condemned man was\nexpected to be his own executioner, and Seneca opened his veins and\nallowed the life to ooze from them with a stoicism that was certainly\nheroic if not untainted by theatrical display. The character of Seneca\nwill ever remain one of the puzzles of history, for the grave moralist\nwas accessory to the murder of Agrippina, and not unsuspected of\nlicentiousness, and of the accumulation of an enormous fortune of three\nhundred million sestertii by injustice and fraud. The statements of Dion\nCassius as to the misdeeds of the philosopher must be weighed against\nthe absence of any condemnation of his proceedings in the pages\nof Tacitus.\nThe Theodore Cerem named on p. 12, is Theodorus Cyrenaicus, who was\nprobably a native of Cyrene, and a disciple of Aristippus. He was\nbanished from the (supposed) place of his birth, and was shielded at\nAthens by Demetrius Phalerus, whose exile he is assumed to have shared.\nWhilst in the service of Egypt he was sent as an ambassador to\nLysimachus, whom he offended by the directness and plainness of his\nspeech. The offended monarch threatened him with crucifixion, and he\nreplied in a phrase which became famous, \"Threaten thus your courtiers,\nfor it matters not to me whether I rot on the ground or in the air.\"[40]\nThe king's threat was not executed, as Theodorus was afterwards at\nCorinth, and is believed to have died at Cyrene. That he was condemned\nto drink hemlock is a statement cited from Amphicrates by Diogenes\nL\u00e6rtius (_Aristippus_, xv.). The anecdote of his colloquy with\nLysimachus would easily be perverted into a belief that he had been put\nto death for the freedom with which he exercised his biting wit.\nThe Democreon mentioned at pp. 12 and 16 is Democritus of Abdera, of\nwhom the anecdote is told. He was a man whose knowledge and wisdom won\neven the respect of Timon, the universal scoffer. The tradition that he\ndeprived himself of sight with a view to philosophic abstraction is\nmentioned by Cicero, Aulus Gellius, and others, but it is hardly\nnecessary to account for a too uncommon calamity by a supposition so\nremarkable.\nThe transformations of some of the names are peculiar. At p. 12 we read\nof Defortes. The philosopher disguised under this strange name appears\nto be Socrates. The story is told in the Apology of Socrates attributed\nto Xenophon. The person to whom the saying was addressed was not\nXanthippe, but was a disciple named Apollodorus, whose understanding was\nnot equal to his admiration.\nThe statement that Didymus voluntarily blinded himself is made both by\nJerome (_Ep_. 68) and in the Ecclesiastical History of Socrates (iv.\n29). Didymus was born 309 or 314, and became blind at the age of four,\nas the result of disease. He learned the alphabet by wooden letters, and\nby application and force of character became learned in all the learning\nof his time. Is this a real anticipation of the use of raised letters\nfor the blind? What would be the use of a knowledge of the alphabet so\nacquired in obtaining that skill in geometry, rhetoric, arithmetic, and\nmusic for which he was famous? He owed to Athanasius his position as\nhead of the Catechetical School of Alexandria.\nThe readers of \"Cymbeline\" will remember the passage in the concluding\nscene:--\n    \"The piece of tender air, thy virtuous daughter,\n    Which we call _mollis \u00e6r_; and _mollis \u00e6r_\n    We term it _mulier_; which mulier, I divine,\n    Is this most constant wife: who even now,\n    Answering the letter of the oracle,\n    Unknown to you unsought, were clipp'd about\n    With this most tender air.\"\nThis quaint piece of etymology will be found at p. 123 of the present\nvolume.\nThere is an interesting personal reference in the following passage\nwhich has not, it is believed, been pointed out:--\n\"And also hit is to be supposyd that suche as haue theyr goodes comune &\nnot propre is most acceptable to god/ For ellys wold not thise religious\nmen as monkes freris chanons obseruantes & all other auowe hem & kepe\nthe wilfull pouerte that they ben professid too/ For in trouth I haue my\nself ben conuersant in a religious hous of white freris at gaunt Which\nhaue all thynge in comyn amonge them/ and not one richer than an other/\nin so moche that yf a man gaf to a frere .iii.d or iiii.d to praye for\nhym in his masse/ as sone as the masse is doon he deliuerith hit to his\nouerest or procuratour in whyche hows ben many vertuous and deuoute\nfreris And yf that lyf were not the beste and the most holiest/ holy\nchurch wold neuer suffre hit in religion.\"\nThis description by the busy merchant of the \"best life\" might serve to\npoint anew the distinction between the real and the ideal, and perhaps\nnot to the advantage of the latter.\nNothing has yet been said as to the place of this book in the history of\nchess, and, indeed, it must be confessed that it has very little\npractical bearing on the game. The learned dreams by which the chess of\nto-day was connected with the _latrunculi_ and with the amusement said\nto have been invented by Palamedes, have been dissipated by the cool air\nof modern criticism. The student of the history of chess may now follow\nits fortunes under the safe guidance of Dr. van der Linde, who rejects\nunhesitatingly the claim made for it, and admitted even by Forbes, of an\nantiquity of 5,000 years.[41] The game of chess, which, whilst remaining\nan amusement, has acquired the dignity of a science, is one that Europe\nowes to India, where it was probably invented not earlier than five\ncenturies before Christ; the triumphant progress of Islam aided in the\nextension of this oriental pastime. It was known at the courts of\nNicephorus at Conftantinople and his contemporary Haroun-al-Rashid at\nBagdad. One would like to add that Charlemagne also was acquainted with\nit, but there is no good evidence for that legend. It was known in Spain\nin the tenth century, since the library of the learned caliph Hakam II.\nof Cordova contained some Arabic MSS. on the game. By the middle of the\neleventh century it was common in the western world. In 1061 a\nFlorentine bishop is said to have been ordered by Cardinal Damiani to\nexpiate the offence of playing chess in public by three recitations of\nthe Psalter, by washing the feet of twelve poor persons, and by giving\nthem liberal alms. The gradual developments of the game in Europe are\nillustrated in detail by Dr. van der Linde. Chess in its prefent form is\ncomparatively modern, and refults from the enlargement of the powers of\nthe Queen (originally the Vizier or minister) and of the Bishop\n(formerly the Alfil or Elephant). The greater powers of these pieces\ncame into play between 1450 and 1500, but the period of transition was\nprolonged to a much later date in some cafes, and the Portuguese Damiano\nmay be regarded as the founder of the modern school. The player of\nto-day on consulting the elementary directions given in this book (p.\n159, _et seq_.), will see how greatly the present play exceeds in\ncomplexity and scientific interest the moves that excited the enthusiasm\nof Jacobus de Cessoles, and led him to the composition of the book of\nthe chess which has had such long and widespread popularity.\nIncidentally his book is a monument in the history of chess, but it was\nnever intended to make its primary object that of teaching the game. The\nauthor's aim was almost exclusively ethical. It was to win men to a\nsober life and to the due performance of individual and social duties,\nthat the preacher exhausted his stores of learning, and invoked alike\nthe reproofs of the fathers of the Church, the history and legend of\nchroniclers, pagan and Christian, and the words of prophets and poets.\nAs a memorial of the literature and learning of the middle ages, it must\nalways possess a permanent value. From it we may learn, and always with\ninterest, what was the literary taste and social ideal of the\nthirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. There is, doubtless,\nample room for dissatisfaction with that ideal, but it is not without\nsome bright aspects. Possibly there are modern realms that are not any\nhappier now than they would be if governed in strict accordance with the\nrules laid down by the earnest author of the game and play of the chess.\nIt only remains for the editor to thank the friends who have interested\nthemselves in his work. Mr. J.E. Bailey, F.S.A., has shown his usual\nscholarly courtesy and liberality in the communication of books and\nreferences. To Mr. R.C. Christie, the Chancellor of the Diocese of\nManchester, a similar acknowledgment is due. Mr. C.W. Sutton, and Mr.\nW.R. Credland, of the Manchester Free Library, on this, as on many other\noccasions, have not only given the editor many facilities for his work,\nbut some suggestions by which he trusts he has profited. The index is\nchiefly the work of the editor's eldest daughter.\n[DEDICATION.]\n[42] To the right noble/ right excellent & vertuous prince George duc of\nClarence Erle of warwyck and of salifburye/ grete chamberlayn of Englond\n& leutenant of Irelond oldest broder of kynge Edward by the grace of god\nkynge of England and of france/ your most humble servant william Caxton\namonge other of your seruantes sendes unto yow peas. helthe. Joye and\nvictorye upon your Enemyes/ Right highe puyssant and redoubted prynce/.\nFor as moche as I haue understand and knowe/ that y'e are enclined unto\nthe comyn wele of the kynge our sayd saueryn lord. his nobles lordes and\ncomyn peple of his noble royame of Englond/ and that y'e sawe gladly the\nInhabitants of y'e same enformed in good. vertuous. prouffitable and\nhoneste maners. In whiche your noble persone wyth guydyng of your hows\nhaboundeth/ gyuyng light and ensample unto all other/ Therfore I haue\nput me in deuour to translate a lityll book late comen in to myn handes\nout of frensh in to englisshe/ In which I fynde thauctorites. dictees.\nand stories of auncient Doctours philosophes poetes and of other wyse\nmen whiche been recounted & applied unto the moralite of the publique\nwele as well of the nobles as of the comyn peple after the game and\nplaye of the chesse/ whiche booke right puyssant and redoubtid lord I\nhaue made in the name and under the shadewe of your noble protection/\nnot presumyng to correcte or enpoigne ony thynge ayenst your noblesse/.\nFor god be thankyd your excellent renome shyneth as well in strange\nregions as with in the royame of england gloriously unto your honour and\nlande/ which god multeplye and encrece But to thentent that other of\nwhat estate or degre he or they stande in may see in this sayd lityll\nbook/ yf they gouerned themself as they ought to doo/ wherfor my right\ndere redoubted lord I requyre & supplye your good grace not to desdaygne\nto resseyue this lityll sayd book in gree and thanke/ as well of me your\nhumble and unknowen seruant as of a better and gretter man than I am/.\nFor the right good wylle that I haue had to make this lityll werk in the\nbest wyse I can/ ought to be reputed for the fayte and dede/ And for\nmore clerely to procede in this sayd book I haue ordeyned that the\nchapitres ben sette in the begynnynge to thende that y'e may see more\nplaynly the mater wherof the book treteth &c.\n[PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.]\nThe holy appostle and doctour of the peple saynt Poule sayth in his\nepystle. Alle that is wryten is wryten unto our doctryne and for our\nlernyng. Wherfore many noble clerkes haue endeuoyred them to wryte and\ncompyle many notable werkys and historyes to the ende that it myght come\nto the knowlege and vnderstondyng of suche as ben ygnoraunt. Of which\nthe nombre is infenyte/ And accordyng to the same saith Salamon. that\nthe nombre of foles. is infenyte/ And emong alle other good werkys. It\nis a werke of ryght special recomendacion to enforme and to late\nvnderstonde wysedom and vertue vnto them that be not lernyd ne can not\ndyscerne wysedom fro folye. Th[=e]ne emonge whom there was an excellent\ndoctour of dyuynyte in the royame of fraunce of the ordre of thospytal\nof Saynt Johns of Jherusalem which entended the fame and hath made a\nbook of the chesse moralysed. which at suche tyme as J was resident in\nbrudgys in the counte of Flaundres cam in to my handes/ which whan J had\nredde and ouerseen/ ne semed ful necessarye for to be had in englisshe/\nAnd in eschewyng of ydlenes And to thende that s[=o]me which haue not seen\nit/ ne understonde frenssh ne latyn I delybered in my self to translate\nit in to our maternal tongue/ And whan I so had achyeued the sayd\ntranslacion/ I dyde doo sette in enprynte a certeyn nombre of theym/\nWhiche anone were depesshed and folde. wherfore by cause thys sayd book\nis ful of holsom wysedom and requysyte unto every astate and degree/ J\nhaue purposed to enprynte it/ shewyng therin the figures of suche\npersons as longen to the playe. Jn whom al astates and degrees ben\ncomprysed/ besechyng al them that this litel werke shal see/ here/ or\nrede to have me for excused for the rude & symple makyng and reducyn in\nto our englisshe/ And where as is defaute to correcte and amende/ and in\nso doyng they shal deserve meryte and thanke/ and I shal pray for them/\nthat god of his grete mercy shal rewarde them in his everlastyng blisse\nin heven/ to the whiche he brynge us/ that wyth his precious blood\nredemed us Amen\n[TABLE.]\nThis booke conteyneth .iiii. traytees/\nThe first traytee is of the Invencion of this playe of the chesse,/ and\nconteyneth .iii. chapitres\nThe first chapitre is under what kynge this play was founden\nThe .ii. chapitre/ who fonde this playe\nThe .iii. chapitre/ treteth of .iii. causes why hit was made and founden\nThe second traytee treteth of the chesse men/ and conteyneth .v.\nchapitres\nThe first chapitre treteth of the form of a kynge and of suche thinges\nas apperteyn to a kynge\nThe .ii. chapitre treteth of y'e quene & her forme & maners\nThe .iii. chapitre of the forme of the alphins and her offices and\nmaners\nThe .iiii. chapitre is of the knyght and of his offices\nThe .v. is of the rooks and of their maners and offices\nThe thirde traytee is of the offices of the comyn peple And hath .viii.\nchapitres\nThe first chapitre is of the labourers & tilinge of the erthe\nThe .ii. of fmythis and other werkes in yron & metall\n[43] The .iii. is of drapers and makers of cloth & notaries\nThe .iiii. is of marchantes and chaungers\n[44] The .v. is of phisicyens and cirugiens and apotecaries\n[45] The .vi. is of tauerners and hostelers\n[46] The .vii. is of y'e gardes of the citees & tollers & cuftomers\n[47] The .viii. is of ribauldes disepleyars and currours The .iiii.\ntraytee is of the meuyng and yssue of them And hath .viii. chapitres\nThe first is of the eschequer\nThe seconde of the yssue and progression of the kynge\nThe thirde of the yssue of the quene\nThe fourth is of the yssue of the alphyns\nThe fifth is of the yssue of the knyghtes\nThe sixty chapitre of the yssue of the rooks\nThe seuenth is of the meuynge & yssue of the comyn peple\nAnd the eyght and laste chapitre is of the epilegacion.\nAnd of the recapitulacion of all these forsaid chapitres.\nBOOK I.\n[Illustration]\n_This first chapiter of the first tractate sheweth under what kynge the\nplay of the chesse was founden and maad.:._\nAmonge all the euyll condicions and signes that may be in a man the\nfirst and y'e grettest is whan he feereth not/ ne dredeth to displese\nand make wroth god by synne/ and the peple by lyuyng disordynatly/ whan\nhe reccheth not/ ner taketh hede unto them that repreue hym and his\nvices/ but fleeth them/ In suche wyse as dide the emperour Nero/ whiche\ndide do slee his maister seneque For as moche as he might not suffre to\nbe repreuid and taught of hym In lyke wyse was somtyme a kynge in\nbabiloine that was named Evilmerodach a Jolye man with oute Justice and\nso cruell that he dyde do hewe his faders body in thre honderd pieces/\nAnd gaf hit to ete and deuour to thre honderd birdes that men calle\nwultres And was of suche condicion as was Nero/ And right well resemblid\nand was lyke unto his fader Nabogodonosor/ whiche on a tyme wold do flee\nalle the sage and wyse men of babylonye/ For as moche as they coude not\ntelle hym his dreme that he had dremed on a nyght and had forgoten hit\nlyke as it is wreton in the bible in the book of danyell/ Under this\nkynge than Evilmerodach was this game and playe of the chesse founden/\nTrewe it is that some men wene/ that this playe was founden in the tyme\nof the bataylles & siege of troye But that is not soo For this playe cam\nto the playes of the caldees as dyomedes the greek sayth and reherceth\nThat amonge the philosophrs was the most renomed playe amonge all other\nplayes/ And after that/ cam this playe in the tyme of Alixandre the\ngrete in to Egipte And so unto alle the parties toward the south/ And\nthe cause wherfore thys playe was so renomed shall be sayd in the\nthirde chapitre.\n[Illustration]\n_This second chapitre of the first tra3tate sheweth who fonde first the\nplaye of the chesse._\nThys playe fonde a phylosopher of Thoryent whiche was named in Caldee\nExerses or in greke philometor/ which is as moche to saye in english as\nhe that loveth Justice and mesure/ And this philosopher was renomed\ngretly amonge the grekes and them of Athenes whiche were good clerkys\nand philosophers also renomed of theyr connynge. This philosopher was so\nJuste and trewe that he had leuyr dye/ than to lyue longe and be a fals\nflaterer wyth the sayd kynge. For whan he behelde the foull and synfull\nlyf of the kynge/ And that no man durst blame hym. For by his grete\ncruelte he putte them alle to deth that displesid hym/ he put hym self\nin paryll of deth/ And louyd and chees rather to dye than lenger to\nlyue: The euyll lyf and diffamed of a kynge is the lyf of a cruell\nbeste/ And ought not longe to be susteyned/ For he destroyeth hym that\ndisplesith hym/ And therfore reherceth valerius/ that ther was a wise\nman named theodore cerem whom his kynge dyde do hange on the crosse for\nas moche as he repreuyd hym of his euyll & fowll lyf And all way as he\nwas in the torment he said to y'e kynge/ upon thy counceyllours & them\nthat ben cladd in thy clothynge & robes were more reson that this\ntorment shold come/ For as moche as they dar not saye to the The trouthe\nfor to do Justice right wysly/ of my self I make no force whether I dye\non the lande or on the water or otherwyse &c as who sayth he recched not\nto dye for Justice/ In lyke wyse as democreon the philosophre put out\nhis owen eyen be cause he wold not see that no good myght come to the\neuyll and vicyous peple wyth out right And also defortes the philosophre\nas he went toward his deth/ his wyf that folowed after hym saide that he\nwas dampned to deth wrongfully/ than he answerd and sayd to her/ holde\nthy peas and be styll/ hit is better and more merytorye to dye by a\nwronge and unrightfull Jugement/ than that I had deseruyd to dye.\n[Illustration.]\n_The thirde chapitre of the first tractate treteth wherfore the playe\nwas founden and maad._\nThe causes wherfore this playe was founden ben thre/ the first was for\nto correcte and repreue the kynge .For whan this kynge Evilmerodach sawe\nthis playe And the barons knyghtes and gentillmen of his court playe\nwyth the philosopher/ he meruaylled gretly of the beaulte and nouelte of\nthe playe/ And desired to playe agaynst y'e philosopher/ The philosopher\nanswerd and sayd to hym that hit myght not be doon. But yf he first\nlerned the playe/ The kynge said hit was reson and that he wold put him\nto the payne to lerne hit Than the philosopher began to teche hym and to\nshewe hym the maner of the table of the chesse borde and the chesse\nmeyne/ And also the maners and condicions of a kynge of the nobles and\nof the comun peple and of theyr offices and how they shold be touchid\nand drawen. And how he shold amende hymself & become vertuous And whan\nthis kynge herde that he repreuyd hym/ He demanded hym upon payne of\ndeth to tell hym wherfore he had founden and made this playe/ And he\nanswerd my ryght dere lord and kynge/ the grettest and most thinge that\nI desire is that thou haue in thy self a gloryous and vertuous lyf And\nthat may I not see/ but yf thou be endoctrined and well manerd and that\nhad/ so mayst thou be belouyd of thy peple Thus than I desire y't thou\nhaue other gouernement than thou hast had/ And that thou haue upon thy\nself first seygnorye and maistrye suche as thou hast upon other by force\nand not by right Certaynly hit is not ryght that a man be mayster ouer\nother and comandour/ whan he can not rewle ner may rewle himself and\nthat his vertues domyne aboue his vices/. For seygnourye by force and\nwylle may not longe endure/ Than thus may thou see oon of the causes why\nand wherfore I haue founden and maad thys playe/ whyche is for to\ncorrecte and repent the of thy tyrannye and vicyous lyuynge/ .For alle\nkynges specyally ought to here her corrygeours or correctours and her\ncorrections to hold and kepe in mynde/ In lyke wyse as Valerius\nreherceth that the kynge Alixandre had a noble and renomed knyght that\nsayd in repreuynge of Alixandre that he was to moche couetous and in\nespecyall of the honours of the world/ And sayd to hym yf the goddes had\nmaad thy body as greet as is thy herte Alle the world coude not holde\nthe/. For thou holdest in thy right hand alle the Oryent/ And in thy\nlyfte hande the occident/ syn than hit is so/ or thou art a god or a man\nor nought/ yf thou be god doo than well and good to the peple as god\ndoth/ And take not from them that they ought to haue and is theyres. yf\nthou be a man/ thinke that thou shalt dye/ And than thou shalt doo noon\neuyll/ yf thou be nought forgete thy self/ ther is no thynge so stronge\nand ferme/ but that somtyme a feble thinge casteth doun and ouerthrowe\nhit How well that the lyon be the strengest beste/ yet somtyme a lityll\nbirde eteth hym/ The seconde cause wherfore this playe was founden and\nmaad/ was for to kepe hym from ydlenesse/ whereof senecque saith unto\nlucylle ydlenes wyth oute ony ocupacion is sepulture of a man lyuyng/\nand varro saith in his sentences that in lyke wise as men goo not for to\ngoo/ the same wyse the lyf is not gyuen for to lyue but for to doo well\nand good/ And therfore secondly the philosopher fonde this playe for to\nkepe the peple from ydlenes/. For there is moche peple. Whan so is that\nthey be fortunat in worldly goodes that they drawe them to ease and\nydlenes wherof cometh ofte tymes many euyllys and grete synnes And by\nthis ydlenes the herte is quenchid wherof cometh desperacion/ The thirde\ncause is that euery man naturelly desireth to knowe and to here\nnoueltees and tydynges. For this cause they of atthenes studyed as we\nrede/ and for as the corporall or bodyly fight enpessheth and letteth\notherwhyle the knowleche of subtyll thinges/ therfore we rede that [48]\ndemocrion the phylosopher put oute his owen eyen/ for as moche as he\nmyght haue the better entendement and understondynge/ Many haue ben made\nblynde that were grete clerkis in lyke wyse as was dydymus bisshop of\nAlixandrye/ that how well that he sawe not yet he was so grete a clerk/\nthat gregore nazan & saynt Ierome that were clerkes and maystres to\nother/ came for to be his scolers & lerned of hym And saynt Anthonie The\ngrete heremyte cam for to see hym on a tyme/ and amonge all other\nthynges/ he demanded hym yf he were not gretly displesid that he was\nblynde and sawe not. And he answerd that he was gretly abasshid for that\nhe supposid not that he was not displesid in that he had lost his sight/\nAnd saynt Anthonye answerd to hym I meruayle moche that hit displesith\nthe that thou hast lost that thynge whiche is comyn betwene the and\nbestes. And thou knowest well that thou hast not loste that thynge that\nis comyn bitwene the and the angellis And for thise causes forsayd the\nphilosopher entended to put away alle pensisnes and thoughtes/ and to\nthinke only on this playe as shall be said & appere in this book after.\nBOOK II.\n[Illustration]\n_The seconde tractate/ the first chapiter treteth of the forme of a\nkynge of his maners and of his estate_.\nThe kynge must be thus maad. For he must sitte in a chayer clothed in\npurpure/ crowned on his heed in his ryght hand a ceptre and in the lyfte\nhande an apple of gold/. For he is the most grettest and hyest in\ndignyte aboue alle other and most worthy. And that is signefyed by the\ncorone/. For the glorye of the peple is the dignite of the kynge/ And\naboue all other the kynge ought to be replenysshid with vertues and of\ngrace/ and thys signefieth the purpure. For in lyke wyse as the robes of\npurpure maketh fayr & enbelysshith the body/ the same wise vertues\nmaketh the sowle/ he ought alleway thenke on the gouernement of the\nRoyame and who hath thadmynystracion of Justice/ And thys shuld be by\nhym self pryncipally. This signefieth the appell of gold that he holdeth\nin his lyfte honde/ And for as moche as hit apperteyneth unto hym to\npunysshe the rebelles hath he y'e sceptre in his right hand And for as\nmoche as mysericorde and trouthe conserue and kepe the kynge in his\ntrone/ Therfore ought a kynge to be mercyfull and debonayr For whan a\nkynge or prynce desired or will be belouyd of his peple late hym be\ngouerned by debonarite And valerius saith that debonairte percyth the\nhertes of straungers and amolisshith and maketh softe the hertes of his\nenemyes/ wherof he reherceth that philostratus that was due of athenes\nhad a doughter/ whom a man louyd so ardantly/ that on a tyme as he sawe\nher wyth her moder/ sodaynly he cam and kyssed her/ wherof the moder was\nso angry and soroufull that she wente and requyred of her lord the duc/\nthat his heed myght be smyten of/ The prynce answerd to her and sayde/\nyf we shold slee them that loue us/ what shall we doo to our enemyes\nthat hate us/ Certaynly this was thanswer of a noble & debonair prynce\nThat suffred that villonye don to his doughter and to hymself yet more\nThis prince had also a frende that was named Arispe that sayd on a tyme\nas moche villonye unto the prynce as ony man miht saye And that might\nnot suffise hym/ but he scracchid hym in the visage/ The prynce suffryd\nhym paciently in suche wyse as thowh he had doon to hym no vilonye but\ncurtoysye And whan his sones wold haue auengid this vilonye/ he comanded\nthem that they shold not be so hardy so to do The next day folowyng\narispe remembrid of the right grete vilonye that he had don to his\nfrende and lord wythoute cause. He fyll in dispayr and wold haue slayn\nhym self/ whan the duc knewe and understode that/ he cam to hym and sayd\nne doubte the nothynge And swore to hym by his fayth/ that also well he\nwas and shold be his frende fro than forthon as euery he had ben to fore\nyf he wold And thus he respited hym of his deth by his debonairte. And\nin lyke wyse rede we of the kynge pirre to whom was reported that they\nof tarente had said grete vilonye of hym. For whiche cause he maad alle\nthem to come to fore hym And demanded of them yf they had so sayd. Than\noon of them answerd and sayd/ yf the wyn and the candellys had not\nfayllyd/ thys langage had ben but a Iape/ In regarde of that we had\nthought to haue doon/ Than the kynge began to lawhe/ for they had\nconfessid that suche langage as was sayd and spoken was by dronkenship/\nAnd for this cause of debonairte the peple of tarante toke for a custome\nthat the dronken men shold be puuysshyd/ And the sobre men preyfed. The\nkynge than thus ought to loue humylyte and hate falsite after the holy\nscripture that speketh of euery man generally/ For the kynge in his\nroyame representeth god/ And god is verite/ And therfore hym ought to\nsaye no thynge but yf hit were veritable and stable. Valerius reherceth\nthat Alixandre wyth alle his ooste rood for to destroye a cyte whyche\nwas named lapsare/ whan than a phylosophre whiche had to name Anaximenes\nwhich had ben to fore maistre & gouernour of Alixandre herd and\nunderstood of his comyng Cam agayn Alixandre for to desire and requyre\nof hym. And whan he sawe Alixandre he supposid to haue axid his\nrequefte/ Alixandre brake his demande to fore and swore to hym to fore\nhe axid ony thynge by his goddes. That suche thynge as he axid or\nrequyryd of hym/ he wold in no wyse doon/ Than the philosopher requyred\nhym to destroye the cyte/ whan Alixandre understood his desire/ and the\noth that he had maad/ he suffrid the cyte to stande and not to be\ndestroyed For he had leuer doo his wyll than to be periured and forsworn\nand doo agaynst his oth/ Quyntilian saith that no grete man ne lord\nshold not swere/ but where as is grete nede/ And that the symple parole\nor worde of a prynce ought to be more stable than the oth of a\nmarcha[=u]t/ Alas how kepe the prynces their promisses in thise dayes/\nnot only her promises but their othes her fealis and wrytynges & signes\nof their propre handes/ alle faylleth god amende hit &c. A kynge also\nought to hate alle cruelte/ For we rede that neuer yet dyed ony pietous\npersone of euyll deth ne cruell persone of good deth Therfore recounteth\nvalerius that ther was a man named theryle a werke-man in metall/ that\nmade a boole of coppre and a lityll wyket on the side/ wherby men myght\nput in them that shuld be brent therin/ And hit was maad in suche\nmanere/ that they that shold be put and enclosid therin shold crye\nnothinge lyke to the wys of a man but of an oxe. And this made he be\ncause men shold haue the lasse pite of them. Whan he had made this hole\nof copper/ he presented hit unto a kynge which was callyd philarde that\nwas so cruell a tyrant that he delited in no thinge but in cruelte And\nhe told hym the condicion of the bole/ Whan philarde herde and\nunderstode this/ he alowed and preysed moche the werke/ And after sayde\nto hym/ thou that art more cruell than I am/ thou shalt assaye & prove\nfirst thy \u00fesente and yeft/ And so made hym to goo in to the boole and\ndye an euyll deth/ Therfore faith Ouide ther is no thinge more\nraisonable than that a man dye of suche deth as he purchaseth unto other\nAlso the kynge ought souerainly kepe Iustice/ who maketh or kepeth a\nroyame with oute Iustice/ of verray force ther muste be grete robberye\nand thefte Therfor reherceth saint Augustyn in a book which is intituled\nthe cyte of god/ that there was a theef of the see named diomedes that\nwas a grete rouar and dide so moche harme that the complaintes cam to\nfore Alixander whiche dide hym to be taken & brought to fore hym/ and he\ndemanded hym wherfore he was so noyous & cruell in the see And he\nanswerd to hym agayn/ for as moche as thou art oon a lande in the world/\nso am I another in y'e see/ but for as moche as the euyll y't I doo is\nin oon galeye or tweyne therfore I am callyd a theef/ but for as moche\nas thou dost in many shippis and with grete puyssance and power/\ntherfore art thou callyd an emperour/ but yf fortune were for me in\nsuche wyse/ I wold be come a good man and better than I now am/ but\nthou/ the more richer and fortunat that thou art/ the more worse art\nthou/ Alixander sayd to hym I shall change thy fortune in suche wyse as\nthou ne saye/ that thou shalt doo hit by pouerte/ but for euyll and\nmauaiste/ And so he made hym ryche/ And thys was he that afterward was a\ngood prynce and a good Iusticyer/ The kynge ought to be soueraynly\nchaste/ And this signefyeth a quene that is only on his ryght syde For\nhit is to be beleuyd and credible that whan the kynge is a good man\nIuste. trewe & of good maners and condicions/ that his children shall\nfolowe gladly the same/ for a good sone & a trewe ought not to forsake &\ngoo fro y'e good condicions of his fader. For certes hit is agaynst god\nand nature in partie whan a man taketh other than his propre wyf/ And\nthat see we by birdes/ of whom the male and female haue to gyder the\ncharge in kepynge and norisshinge of their yonge fowlis and birdis/. For\nsome maner of fowlis kepen them to theyr femeles only/ As hit appereth\nby storkes dowues and turtils/ But tho fowles that norisshith not their\nbirdes haue many wyues and femelles/ As the cock that no thynge\nnorisshith his chekens/ And therfore amonge alle the bestes that been/\nMan and woman putteth most theyr entente and haue moste cure & charge in\nnorisshyng of their children/ And therfore doon they agaynst nature in\npartye whan they leue theyr wyues for other women/ Of this chastete\nreherceth valerius an example and faith that ther was a man of rome\nwhich was named scipio affrican. For as moche as he had conquerd\naffricque how well that he was of rome born. Whan he was of .xxxiiii.\nyer of age he conquerd cartage And toke moche peple in Ostage/ Amonge\nwhom he was presented wyth a right fair mayde for his solas and playsir\nwhiche was assurid and handfast unto a noble yong gentillman of cartage\nwhiche was named Indiuicible/ And anon as this gentill scipio knewe that\nNotwythstandyng that he was a prynce noble & lusty Dyde do calle anon\nthe parents and kynnesmen of them And deliuerid to them their doughter\nwyth oute doyng of ony vilonye to her/ and y'e r\u00e6nsom or gold that they\nhad ordeyned for their doughter/ gaf hit euery dele In dowaire to her\nAnd the yong man that was her husbonde sawe the fraunchise and gentilnes\nof hym/ torned hymself and the hertes of the noble peple unto the loue &\nalliance of the romayns/ And this suffiseth as towchynge the kynge &c.\n[Illustration]\n_The seconde chapitre of the seconde book treteth of the\nforme and maners of the Quene._\nThus ought the Quene be maad/ she ought to be a fair lady sittynge in a\nchayer and crowned wyth a corone on her heed and cladd wyth a cloth of\ngold & a mantyll aboue furrid wyth ermynes And she shold sytte on the\nlyfte syde of the kinge for the amplections and enbrasynge of her\nhusbonde/ lyke as it is sayd in scripture in the canticles/ her lyfte\narme shall be under my heed And her ryght arme fhall[49] be clyppe and\nenbrace me/ In that she is sette on his lyfte syde is by grace gyuen to\nthe kynge by nature and of ryght. For better is to haue a kynge by\nsuccession than by election/ For oftentymes the electours and chosers\ncan not ne wyll not accorde/ And so is the election left/ And otherwhyle\nthey chese not the beste and most able and conuenyent/ but hym that they\nbest loue/ or is for them most proffytable/ But whan the kynge is by\nlignage and by trewe succession/ he is taught enseygned and nourrishid\nin his yongth in alle good & vertuous tacches and maners of hys fader/\nAnd also the prynces of the royame dar not so hardily mene warre agaynst\na kynge hauynge a sone for to regne after hym And so a Quene ought to be\nchaste. wyse. of honest peple/ well manerd and not curyous in\nnourisshynge of her children/ her wyfedom ought not only tappere in feet\nand werkes but also in spekynge that is to wete that she be secrete and\ntelle not suche thynges as ought to be holden secrete/ Wherfore it is a\ncomyn prouerbe that women can kepe no counceyle And accordyng therto\nMacrobe reherceth in the book of the dremes of Scipio. That ther was a\nchild of rome that was named papirus that on a tyme went with his fader\nwhiche was a senatour into the chambre where as they helde their\ncounceyll And that tyme they spak of suche maters as was comanded and\nagreed shold be kept secrete upon payn of their heedes And so departed\nAnd whan he was comen home from the senatoire and fro the counceyll with\nhis fader/ his moder demanded of hym what was the counceyll and wherof\nthey spack and had taryed so longe there And the childe answerd to her\nand sayd he durst not telle ner saye hit for so moche as hit was\ndefended upon payn of deth Than was the moder more desirous to knowe\nthan she was to fore/ And began to flatere hym one tyme And afterward to\nmenace hym that he shold saye and telle to her what hit was And whan the\nchilde sawe that he might haue no reste of his moder in no wife He made\nher first promise that she shold kepe hit secrete And to telle hit to\nnone of the world/ And that doon/ he fayned a lesing or a lye and sayd\nto her/ that the senatours had in counceyll a grete question and\ndifference whiche was this/ whether hit were better and more for the\ncomyn wele of rome/ that a man shold have two wyuys/ or a wyf to haue\ntwo husbondes/ And whan she had understonde this/ he defended her that\nshe shold telle hit to none other body And after this she wente to her\ngossyb and told to her this counceyll secretly/ And she told to an\nother/ And thus euery wyf tolde hit to other in secrete And thus hit\nhappend anone after that alle the wyues of rome cam to the senatorye\nwhere the senatours were assemblid/ And cryed wyth an hye voys/ that\nthey had leuer/ and also hit were better for the comyn wele that a wyf\nshold haue two husbondes than a man two wyues/ The senatours heerynge\nthis. were gretly abasshid and wist not what to saye/ ner how to\nanswere/ tyll at laste that the child papire reherced to them all the\ncaas and feet how hit was happend And whan the senatours herd &\nunderstood the mater they were gretly abasshid/ and comended gretly y'e\nIngenye & wytte of the child that so wisely contriued the lye rather\nthan he wolde discouere their co[=u]ceyll/ And forthwith made hym a\nsenatour/ and establisshid & ordeyned fro than forthon that no childe in\nony wise sholl entre in to y'e counceyll hous amonge them with their\nfaders exept papirus/ whome they wold y't he shold alwey be among them/\nalso a quene ought to be chaste/ for as she is aboue all other in astate\n& reuer[=e]ce so shold she be ensample to all other in her liuyng\nhonestly/ wherof Ierome reherceth agaynst Ionynyan/ that ther was a\ngentilman of rome named duele/ and this man was he y't first fond y'e\nmaner to fight on y'e water/ and had first victorie/ this duele had to\nhis wif one of the best women & so chaste/ that euery woman might take\nensample of her/ And at y't tyme the synne of the flesshe was the\ngrettest synne y't ony might doo agaynst nature/ And this sayd good\nwoman was named ylye/ and so it happend that this duele becam so olde\nthat he stowped & quaqued for age And on a tyme one of his aduersaries\nrepreuyd & reprochid hym sayng that he had a stynkynge breth/ And\nforthwyth he wente home to his wyf alle angry and abasshid and axid her\nwhy and wherfore she had not told his defaulte to hym that he myght haue\nfounden remedye to haue ben purgid therof/ And she answerd that as for\nas moche as she supposid that euery man had that same faute as well as\nhe. For she kyst neuer ony mannes mouth but her husbondes/ O moche was\nthis woman to be preysed & haue a singuler lawde wenynge that this\ndefaulte had not ben only in her husbonde/ wherfore she suffrid hit\npaciently in suche wyse that her husbonde knewe his defaute sonner by\nother than by her/ Also we rede that ther was a wedowe named anna/\nwhiche had a frende that counceyllid her to marye/ For she was yong fayr\nand riche/ to whom she answerd that she wold not so doo in no wise For\nyf I shold haue an husbond as I haue had and that he were as good as he\nwas/ I shold euer ben a ferd to lose hym/ lyke as I lost that other/ And\nthan shold I lyue all wey in fere & drede/ whiche I wyll not And yf hit\nhappend me to haue awors/ what shold hyt prouffite me to haue an euyll\nhusbond after a good. And so she concluded that she wold kepe her\nchastete. Saynt Austyn reherceth in the book de Civitate dei that in\nrome was a noble lady gentill of maners & of hyghe kynrede named\nlucrecia/ And had an husbonde named colatyne/ whiche desired on a tyme\nthe Em\u00feours sone named Torquyne thorguyllous or the proude and he was\ncallid sixte for to come dyne and sporte hym in his castell or manoir\nAnd whan he was entrid amonge many noble ladyes he sawe lucrecia/ And\nwhan this Em\u00feours sone had seen & aduertised her deportes. her\ncontenance. her manere. and her beaulte/ he was all rauysshid and\nesprised wyth her loue forthwyth And espyed a tyme whan her husbonde\ncollatyn wente unto the ooste of them\u00feour/ and camm to the place where\nas lucresse was with her felawship/ whom she receyuyd honorably/ and\nwhan tyme came to goo to bedde and slepe she made redy a bedde ryally\nfor hym as hit apperteyned to the emperours sone And this sixtus espyed\nwhere lucresia laye. And whan he supposyd & knewe that euery body was in\nhis first sleep/ he cam to the bedde of lucresse and that oon hand sette\non her breste and in that other hand a naked swerd/ and sayd to her/\nlucresse holde thy pees and crye not/ For I am sixte tarquynus sone/ for\nyf y'u speke ony worde thou shalt be dede/ And for fere she held her\npees/ Than he began to praye and promise many thinges And after he\nmenaced & thretenyd her that she shold enclyne to hym to do his wyll/\nAnd whan he sawe he coude ner might haue his entent he sayd to her yf\nthou do not my wyll/ I shall slee the and o[=o]n of thy seruantes and\nshall leye hym all ded by thy syde And than I shall saye that I haue\nslayn yow for your rybawdrye/ And lucresse that than doubted more the\nshame of the world than the deth consentid to hym/ And anone after as\nthe Em\u00feours sone was departid/ the ladye sente l*res to her husbond her\nfader her brethern & to her frendes/ and to a man callid brute\nconceyllour & neuewe to tarquyn/ And sayd to them/ that yesterday sixte\nthe emp*ours sone cam in to myn hous as an enemye in likenes of a\nfrende/ & hath oppressid me And knowe y'u colatyn that he hath\ndishonorid thy bedde And how well y't he hath fowled & dishonored my\nbody/ yet myn herte is not/ wherfore I beseche the of pardon foryfnes &\nabsolucion of the trespas but not of the payne/ and he y't hath doon\nthis synne to me hit shall ben to his meschance yf y'e doo your deuoir/\nAnd be cause no woman take ensample of lucresse and lyue after the\ntrespaas/ but that she in lyke wyse take ensample also of the payne And\nforthwyth wyth a swerd that she helde under her gowen or robe/ she roof\nher self unto the herte And deyde forthwyth to fore them/ And than brute\nthe counseillr And her husbond collatyn and alle her other frendes swore\nby the blood of lucresse that they wold neuer reste vnto the tyme that\nthey had put out of rome tarquyn and and alle his lignee/ And that neuer\nafter none of them shold come to dignite/ And alle this was doon. For\nthey bare the dede corps thurgh the cyte and meuyd the peple in suche\nwyse/ that tarquyn was put in exyle And fixte his sone was slayn/ A\nQuene ought to be well manerd & amonge alle she ought to be tumerous and\nshamefast/ For whan a woman hath loste shamefastnes/ she may ner can not\nwell be chaast/ Wherfore saith symachus that they that ben not shamefast\nhaue no conscience of luxurye/ And saynt Ambrose saith that oon of the\nbest parements and maketh a woman most fayr in her persone/ is to be\nshamefast/ Senecque reherceth that ther was oon named Archezille whiche\nwas so shamefast That she put in a pelow of fethers a certain some of\nmoney/ and put hit vnder y'e heed of a pour frende of heeris/ whiche\ndissimyled his pouerte and wold not ner durst not be a knowen of his\npouerte For for shame she durst not gyue hit openly/ but had leuer that\nhe shold fynde hit/ than that she had gyuen hit hym/ Wherfore otherwhile\nmen shold gyue & helpe her frendes so secretly That they knowe not whens\nhit come/ For whan we kepe hit secret and make no boost therof/ our\ndeedes and werkes shall plese god and them also/ A Quene ought to be\nchosen whan she shall be wedded of the most honest kynrede and peple/\nFor oftentymes the doughters folowen the tacches and maners of them that\nthey ben discended from/ Wherof Valerius maximus sayth that ther was one\nthat wold marye/ whiche cam to a philosopher and axid counceyll what wif\nhe might best take He answerd that he shold take her that thou knowe\ncertaynly that her moder and her grauntdame haue ben chaast and well\ncondicioned/ For suche moder/ suche doughter comunely/ Alfo a quene\nought to teche her childern to ben contynent and kepe chastite entyerly/\nas hit is wreton in ecclesiastes/ yf thou haue sones enseigne and teche\nthem/ And yf thou haue doughters kepe well them in chastite/ For\nhelemonde reherceth that euery kynge & prynce ought to be a clerke for\nto comande to other to studye and rede the lawe of our lord god/ And\ntherfore wrote themperour to the kynge of france that he shold doo lerne\nhys children sones the seuen sciences lyberall/ And saide amonge other\nthynges that a kynge not lettryd resembleth an asse coroned/ Themperour\nOctauian maad his sones to be taught and lerne to swyme. to sprynge and\nlepe. to Iufte. to playe wyth the axe and swerde/ And alle maner thynge\nthat apperteyneth to a knyght/ And his doughters he made hem to lerne.\nto sewe. to spynne. to laboure as well in wolle as in lynnen cloth/ And\nalle other werkis longynge to women And whan his frendes demanded\nwherfore he dyde so/ he answerd how well that he was lord & syre of alle\nthe world/ yet wyste he not what shold befalle of his children and\nwhether they shold falle or come to pouerte or noo/ and therfore yf they\nconne a good crafte they maye alleway lyue honestly/ The Quene ought to\nkepe her doughters in alle chastyte/ For we rede of many maydens that\nfor theyr virginite haue ben made quenes/ For poule the historiagraph of\nthe lombardes reherceth y't ther was a duchesse named remonde whiche had\n.iii. sones & two doughters And hit happend that the kynge of hongrye\ncantanus assaylled a castell where she behelde her enemyes And amonge\nall other she sawe the kynge that he was a well faryng and goodly man/\nAnone she was esprised and taken wyth his loue/ And that so sore/ that\nforthwith she sent to hym that she wold deliuere ouer the castell to hym\nyf he wold take her to his wyf and wedde her And he agreed therto/ and\nsware that he wold haue her to his wyf on that condicion/ whan than the\nkynge was in the castell/ his peple toke men and women and alle that\nthey fonde/ her sones fledde from her/ of whom one was named Ermoaldus\nand was yongest/ and after was duc of boneuentan/ And syn kynge of the\nlumbardis. And the two susters toke chikens And put hem vnder her armes\nnext the flessh and bytwene her pappes/ that of the heete & chaffyng the\nflessh of the chikens stanke. And whan so was that they of hongrye wold\nhaue enforcid & defowled hem anone they felte the stenche and fledde\naway and so lefte hem sayng/ fy how these lombardes stynke/ and so they\nkept their virginite/ wherfore that one of them afterward was Quene of\nfrance And that other Quene of Aleman/ And hit happend than that the\nkynge Catanus toke acordynge to his promyse the duchesse/ and laye with\nher one night for to saue his oth And on the morn he made her comune\nunto alle the hongres/ And the thirde day after he dyde doo put a staf\nof tre fro the nether part of her/ thurgh her body vnto her throte or\nmouthe/ for be cause of the lust of her flessh she betrayed her cyte and\nsayd suche husbond/ suche wyf &c And this sufficeth of the Quene.\n_The thirde chapitre of the seconde tractate treteth of the alphyns her\noffices and maners._\nThe Alphyns ought to be made and formed in manere of Iuges syttynge in a\nchayer wyth a book open to fore their eyen/ And that is be cause that\nsome causes ben crymynell/ And some ben cyuyle as aboute possessyons and\nother temporell thynges and trespaces/ And therfore ought to be two\nIuges in the royame/ one in the black for the first cause/ And that\nother in whyte as for the seconde/ Theyr office is for to counceyll the\nkynge/ And to make by his comandements good lawes And to enforme alle\nthe royame in good and vertuous maners/ And to Iuge and gyue sentence\nwell and truly after the caas is had/ And to counceyll well and Iustely\nalle them that are counceyll of hem/ wyth oute hauynge of ony eye opene\nto ony persone/ And to estudye diligently in suche wyse and to ordeygne\nalle that/ that ought to be kept be obseruyd be faste and stable/ So\nthat they be not founde corrupt for yeft for favour ne for lignage ne\nfor enuye variable And as touchynge the first poynt Seneque sayth in the\nbook of benefetes that the poure Dyogenes was more stronge than\nAlixandre/ For Alixandre coude not gyue fo moche as Diogenes\nwold reffuse.\nMarcus cursus a romayn of grete renome sayth thus. That whan he had\nbesiegid & assayllyd them of amente And boneuentans whiche herde that he\nwas poure/ they toke a grete masse and wegghe of gold and ended hit to\nhym prayng hym that he wold resseyue hyt and leue his assault and siege/\nAnd whan they cam with the present to hym they fonde hym sittynge on the\nerthe and ete his mete oute of platers and disshes of tree and of wode\nand dyde than her message/ to whom he answerd and sayde that they shold\ngoo hoome and saye to them that sente hem that marcus cursus loueth\nbetter to be lord and wynne richesses than richesses shold wynne hym/\nFor by bataylle he shall not be ouercome and vaynquysshid Nor be gold ne\nsiluer he shal not be corrupt ne corompid Often tymes that thynge taketh\nan euyll ende that is vntrewe for gold and siluer/ And that a man is\nsubgett vnto money may not be lord therof/ helimond reherceth that [50]\ndemoncene demanded of aristodone how moche he had wonne for pletynge of\na cause for his clyent/ And he answerd a marck of gold. [51] Demoscenes\nanswerd to hym agayn that he had wonne as moche for to hold his pees and\nspeke not Thus the tonges of aduocates and men of lawe ben \u00feyllous and\ndomegeable/yet they must be had yf thou wylt wynne thy cause for wyth\nmoney and yeft thou shall wynne And oftetymes they selle as welle theyr\nscilence/ as theyr vtterance/ Valerius reherceth that the senatours of\nrome toke counceyll to geder of two persones that one was poure/ And\nthat other riche and couetous/ whiche of hem bothe were moft apte for to\nsende to gouerne and Iuge the contre of spayne/ and scipion of affricque\nsayd that none of them bothe were good ner prouffitable to be sente\ntheder/ For that one hath no thynge And to that other may nothynge\nsuffise And despised in his saynge alle pouerte and auerice in a Iuge/\nFor a couetous man hath nede of an halfpeny For he is seruant & bonde\nvnto money/ and not lord therof. But pouerte of herte & of wylle ought\nto be gretly alowed in a Iuge Therfore we rede that as longe as the\nromayns louyd pouerte they were lordes of all the world For many ther\nwere that exposed alle their goodes for the comyn wele and for that was\nmost prouffitable for the comynaulte that they were so poure that whan\nthey were dede they were buryed & brought to erthe with the comyn good/\nAnd theyr doughters were maryed by the comandement of the senatours/ But\nsyn that they despised pouerte/ And begonne to gadre rychesses/ And haue\nmaad grete bataylles/ they haue vsed many synnes And so the comyn wele\nperysshid/ For there is no synne but that it regneth there/ Ther is none\nthat is so [52] synfull as he that hath alle the world in despyte/ For\nhe is in pees that dredeth no man/ And he is ryche that coueyteth no\nthynge/ Valere reherceth that he is not ryche that moche hath/ But he is\nryche that hath lytyll and coueyteth no thynge/ Than thus late the Iuges\ntake hede that they enclyne not for loue or for hate in ony Iugement/\nFor theophrast saith that alle loue is blynde ther loue is/ ther can not\nryght Iugement by guyen/ For alle loue is blynde And therfore loue is\nnone euyn Iuge For ofte tymes loue Iugeth a fowll & lothly woman to be\nfayr And so reherceth quynte curse in his first book that the grete\nGodaches sayth the same to Alixandre men may saye in this caas that\nnature is euyll For euery man is lasse auysed and worse in is owne feet\nand cause than in an other mans/ And therfore the Iuges ought to kepe\nhem well from yre in Iugement/ Tullius sayth that an angry & yrous\n\u00fesone weneth that for to doo euyll/ is good counceyll/ and socrates\nsaith y't .ii. thinges ben contraryous to co[=u]ceyll/ and they ben\nhaftynes & wrath/ and Galeren sayth in Alexandrye/ yf yre or wrath\nouercome the whan thou sholdest gyue Iugement/ weye all thinge in y'e\nbalance so that thy Iugement be not enclyned by loue ne by yeste/ ne\nfauour of persone torne not thy corage. Helemond reherceth that Cambyses\nkynge of perse whiche was a rightwys kynge had an vnrightwys Iuge/\nwhiche for enuye and euyll will had dampned a man wrongfully and agaynst\nright/ wherfore he dide hym to be flain all quyk/ and made the chayer or\nfiege of Iugement to be couerid wyth his skyn/ And made his sone Iuge\nand to sitte in the chayer on the skyn of his fader/ to thende that the\nsone shold Iuge rightwysly/ And abhorre the Iugement & payne of his\nfader/ Iuges ought to punysshe the defaultes egally And fullfille the\nlawe that they ordeyne/ Caton sayth accomplisshe and do the lawe in\nsuche wyse as thou hast ordeyned and gyuen. Valerius reherceth that\ncalengius a consull had a sone whiche was taken in adwultrye. And\ntherfore after the lawe at that tyme he was dampned to lose bothe his\neyen The fader wold y't the lawe shold be acc[=o]plisshid in his sone\nwith out fauour/ but all the cyte was meuyd herewyth And wold not suffre\nhit/ but in the ende his fader was vaynquysshid by theyr prayers/ And\nordeyned that his sone shold lese oon eye whiche was put oute And he\nhymself lost an other eye/ And thus was the lawe obserued and kept/ And\nthe prayer of the peple was accomplisshid We rede y't ther was a\ncounceyllour of rome that had gyen counceill to make a statute/ that who\nsome euer that entrid in to the senatoire/ & a swerd gyrt aboute hym\nshold be ded/ Than hit happend on a tyme that he cam from with out and\nentrid in to the senatoyre & his swerd gyrt aboute hym/ wherof he took\nn[=o]n heede/ and [=o]n of the senatours told hym of hit/ and whan he\nknewe hit & remembrid the statute/ he drewe oute his swerd & slewe\nhymself to fore them/ rather to dye than to breke the lawe/ for whos\ndeth all the senatours made grete sorowe/ but alas we fynde not many in\nthise dayes that soo doo/ but they doo lyke as anastasius saith that the\nlawes of some ben lyke vnto the nettis of spyncoppis that take no grete\nbestes & fowles but lete goo & flee thurgh. But they take flyes &\ngnattes & suche smale thynges/ In lyke wise the lawes now a dayes ben\nnot executed but vpon the poure peple/ the grete and riche breke hit &\ngoo thurgh with all And for this cause sourden bataylles & discordes/\nand make y'e grete & riche men to take by force and strengthe\nlordshippis & seignouries vpon the smale & poure peple/ And this doon\nthey specially that ben gentill of lignage & poure of goodes And causeth\nthem to robbe and reue And yet constrayned them by force to serue them\nAnd this is no meruayll/ for they that drede not to angre god/ ner to\nbreke the lawe and to false hit/ Falle often tymes by force in moche\ncursednes and wikkidnes/ but whan the grete peple doo acordinge to the\nlawe/ and punysh the tr[=a]nsgressours sharply The comyn peple abstayne and\nwithdrawe hem fro dooyng of euyll/ and chastiseth hem self by theyr\nexample/ And the Iuges ought to entende for to studie/ for y't yf\nsmythes the carp[=e]ntiers y'e vignours and other craftymen saye that it is\nmost necessarye to studye for the comyn prouffit And gloryfye them in\ntheir connyng and saye that they ben prouffitable Than shold the Iuges\nstudie and contemplaire moche more than they in that/ that shold be for\nthe comyn wele/ wherfore sayth seneke beleue me that they seme that they\ndo no thynge they doo more than they that laboure For they doo\nspirytuell and also corporall werkis/ and therfore amonge Artificers\nther is no plesant reste/ But that reson of the Iuges hath maad and\nordeyned hit/ And therfore angelius in libro actiui atticatorum de\nsocrate sayth That socrates was on a tyme so pensyf that in an hole\nnaturell daye/ He helde one estate that he ne meuyd mouth ne eye ne\nfoote ne hand but was as he had ben ded rauyshyd. And whan one demanded\nhym wherfore he was fo pensyf/ he answerd in alle worldly thynges and\nlabours of the fame And helde hym bourgoys and cytezeyn of the world And\nvalerius reherceth that carnardes a knyght was so age wye and laborous\nin pensifnes of the comyn wele/ that whan he was sette at table for to\nete/ he forgate to put his hande vnto the mete to fede hymself. And\ntherfore his wys y't was named mellye whom he had taken more to haue her\ncompanye & felawship than for ony other thynge/ Fedde hym to thende that\nhe shold not dye for honger in his pensifnes/ Dydymus sayd to\nAlix-andrie we ben not deynseyns in the world but stra[=u]gers/ ner we\nben not born in the world for to dwell and abyde allway therein/ but for\nto goo and passe thurgh hit/ we haue doon noon euy dede/ but that it is\nworthy to be punysshid and we to suffre payne therfore And than we may\ngoon with opon face and good conscience And so may we goo lightly and\nappertly the way that we hope and purpose to goo This suffiseth as for\nthe Alphyns.\n[Illustration]\n_The fourth chapitre of the seconde book treteth of the ordre of\ncheualerye and knyghthode and of her offices and maners._\nThe knyght ought to be made alle armed upon an hors in suche wyse that\nhe haue an helme on his heed and a spere in his ryght hande/ and coueryd\nwyth his sheld/ a swerde and a mace on his lyft syde/ Cladd wyth an\nhawberk and plates to fore his breste/ legge harnoys on his legges/\nSpores on his heelis on his handes his gauntelettes/ his hors well\nbroken and taught and apte to bataylle and couerid with his armes/ whan\nthe knyghtes ben maad they ben bayned or bathed/ that is the signe that\nthey shold lede a newe lyf and newe maners/ also they wake alle the\nnyght in prayers and orysons vnto god that he wylle gyue hem grace that\nthey may gete that thynge that they may not gete by nature/ The kynge or\nprynce gyrdeth a boute them a swerde in signe/ that they shold abyde and\nkepe hym of whom they take theyr dispenses and dignyte. Also a knyght\nought to be wise, liberall, trewe, stronge and full of mercy and pite\nand kepar of the peple and of the lawe/ And ryght as cheualrye passeth\nother in vertu in dignite in honour and in reu[=e]rece/ right so ought he\nto surmounte alle other in vertu/ For honour is no thing ellis but to do\nreuer[=e]ce to an other \u00fesone for y'e good & vertuo'9 disposicion y't is\nin hym/ A noble knyght ought to be wyse and preuyd to fore he be made\nknyght/ hit behoued hym that he had longe tyme vsid the warre and armes/\nthat he may be expert and wyse for to gouerne the other For syn that a\nknyght is capitayn of a batayll The lyf of them that shall be vnder hym\nlyeth in his hand And therfore behoueth hym to be wyse and well aduysed/\nfor some tyme arte craft and engyue is more worth than strengthe or\nhardynes of a man that is not proued in Armes/ For otherwhyle hit\nhappeth that whan the prynce of the batayll affieth and trusteth in his\nhardynes and strength And wole not vse wysedom and engyne for to renne\nvpon his enemyes/ he is vaynquysshid and his peple slayn/ Therfore saith\nthe philosopher that no man shold chese yong peple to be captayns &\ngouernours For as moche as ther is no certainte in her wysedom.\nAlexandra of macedone vaynquysshid and conquerid Egypte Iude Caldee\nAffricque/ and Affirye vnto the marches of bragmans more by the\ncounceyll of olde men than by the strength of the yong men/ we rede in\nthe historye of rome y't ther was a knyght whiche had to name malechete\nthat was so wyse and trewe that whan the Em\u00feour Theodosius was dede/ he\nmade mortall warre ayenst his broder germain whiche was named Gildo or\nGuye For as moche as this said guye wold be lorde of affricque with oute\nleue and wyll of the senatours. And this sayd guye had slayn the two\nsones of his broder malechete/ And dide moche torment vnto the cristen\npeple And afore that he shold come in to the felde ayenst his broder\nEmyon/ he wente in to an yle of capayre And ladde with hym alle the\ncristen men that had ben sente theder in Exyle And made hem alle to\npraye wyth hym by the space of thre dayes & thre nyghtis/ For he had\ngrete truste in the prayers of good folk/ & specially that noman myght\ncounceyll ne helpe but god/ and .iii. dayes to fore he shold fight saynt\nAmbrofe whiche was ded a lityl to fore apperid to hym/ and shewde hym by\nreuelacion the tyme & our that he shold haue victorie/ and for as moche\nas he had ben .iii. dayes and .iii nyghtes in his prayers & that he was\nassewrid for to haue victorie/ He faught with .v. thousand men ayenst\nhis broder y't had in his companye .xxiiii. thousand men And by goddes\nhelpe he had victorie And whan the barbaryns y't were comen to helpe\nguion fawe y'e disconfiture they fledde away/ and guion fledd also in to\naffricque by shiipp/ and whan he was ther arryued he was sone after\nstranglid/ These .ii. knyghtes of whom I speke were two bredern\ngermayns/ whiche were sent to affricque for to defende the comyn weele/\nIn likewise Iudas machabe'9 Ionathas & symon his bredern put hem self in\nthe mercy and garde of our lord god And agayn the enemyes of the lawe of\ngod with lityll peple in regard of the multitude that were agayn them/\nand had also victorye/ The knights ought to ben trewe to theyr princes/\nfor he that is not trewe leseth y'e name of a knight Vnto a prince\ntrouth is the grettest precious stone whan it is medlid with Iuftice/\nPaule the historiagraph of the lombardes reherceth that ther was a\nknight named enulphus and was of the cyte of papye that was so trewe to\nhis kynge named patharich/ that he put hym in parill of deth for hym/\nFor hit happend that Grymald Due of [53] buuentayns of whom we haue\ntouched to fore in the chapitre of the Quene/ Dyde do flee Godebert\nwhiche was kynge of the lombardes by the hande of Goribert duc of\nTauryn/ whiche was discended of the crowne of lombardis And this grimald\nwas maad kynge of lombardis in his place/ and after this put &\nbannysshid out of the contrey this patharych whiche was broder vnto the\nkynge Godebert/ that for fere and drede fledd in to hongrye/ And than\nthis knyght Enulphus dide so moche that he gate the peas agayn of his\nlord patharich agaynft the kynge grymalde/ and that he had licence to\ncome out of hongrye where he was all wey in paryll. and so he cam and\ncryed hym mercy And the kynge grymalde gaf hym leue to dwelle and to\nlyue honestly in his contree/ allway forseen that he toke not vpon hym\nand named hymself kynge/ how well he was kynge by right This doon a\nlitill while after/ the kynge that beleuyd euyll tonges/ thought in\nhymself how he myght brynge this patharich vnto the deth And alle this\nknewe well the knyght enulphus/ whiche cam the same nyght with his\nsquyer for to visite his lord And made his squyer to vnclothe hym & to\nlye in the bedde of his lord And made his lord to ryse and clothe hym\nwyth the clothis of his squyer/ And in this wyse brought hym oute/\nbrawlynge and betynge hym as his seruant by them that were assigned to\nkepe the hows of patharik y't he shold not escape Whiche supposid that\nhit had ben his squyer that he entretid so outragiously/ & so he brought\nhym to his hous whiche Ioyned with the walles of the toun/ And at\nmydnyght whan alle men were asleepe/ he lete a doun his maistre by a\ncorde/ whiche toke an hors oute of the pasture And fled vnto the cyte of\nAast and ther cam to the kynge of fraunce/ And whan hit cam vnto the\nmorn. Hit was founden that Arnolphus and his squyer had deceyvyd the\nkynge and the wacchemen/ whom the kyng comanded shold be brought to fore\nhym And demanded of them the maner how he was escaped And they told hym\nthe trouthe/ Than the kynge demanded his counceyll of what deth they had\ndeseruyd to dye that had so doon and wrought agayn the wylle of hym/\nSome sayde that they shold ben honged/ and some sayd they shold ben\nslayn And other sayd that they shold be beheedid. Than sayd the kynge by\nthat lord that made me/ they ben not worthy to dye/ but for to haue\nmoche worship and honour/ For they haue ben trewe to theyr lord/\nwherfore the kynge gaf hem a grete lawde and honour for their feet And\nafter hit happend that the propre squyer and seruant of godeberd slewe\nthe traytre Goribalde that by trayson had slayn his lord at a feste of\nseynt Iohn in his Cyte of Tauryn wherof he was lord and duc/ Thus ought\nthe knyghtes to love to gyder/ And eche to put his lyf in aventure for\nother/ For so ben they the strenger And the more doubted/ Lyke as were\nthe noble knyghtes Ioab and Abysay that fought agaynst the syryens and\nAmonytes/ And were so trewe that oon to that other that they\nvaynquysshid theyr enemies And were so Ioyned to gyder that yf the\nsiryens were strenger than that one of them/ that other helpe hym/ we\nrede that damon and phisias were so ryght parfyt frendes to gyder that\nwhan Dionisius whiche was kynge of cecylle had Iuged one to deth for his\ntrespaas in the cyte of syracusane whom he wold haue executed/ he\ndesired grace and leue to goo in to hys contre for to dispose and\nordonne his testament/ And his felawe pleggid hym and was sewrte for hym\nvpon his heed that he shold come agayn. Wherof they that sawe & herd\nthis/ helde hym for a fool and blamed hym/ And he said all way that he\nrepentid hym nothynge at all/ For he knewe well the trouth of his felawe\nAnd whan the day cam and the oure that execusion shold be doon/ his\nfelawe cam and presented hymself to fore the Iuge/ And dischargid his\nfelawe that was plegge for hym/ wherof the kynge was gretly abasshid And\nfor the grete trouthe that was founden in hym He pardonyd hym and prayd\nhem bothe that they wold resseyue hym as their grete frende and felawe/\nLo here the vertues of loue that a man ought nought to doubte the deth\nfor his frende/ Lo what it is to doo for a frende/ And to lede a lyf\ndebonayr And to be wyth out cruelte/ to loue and not to hate/ whiche\ncauseth to doo good ayenst euyll And to torne payne into benefete and to\nquenche cruelte Anthonyus sayth that Julius Cesar/ lefte not lightly\nfrenshippe and Amytye/ But whan he had hit he reteyned hit faste and\nmaynteyned hit alleway/ Scipion of Affricque sayth that ther is no\nthynge so stronge/ as for to mayntene loue vnto the deth The loue of\nconcupiscence and of lecherye is sone dissoluyd and broken/ But the\nverray true loue of the comyn wele and prouffit now a dayes is selde\nfounden/ where shall thou fynde a man in thyse dayes that wyll expose\nhymself for the worshippe and honour of his frende/ or for the comyn\nwele/ selde or neuer shall he be founden/ Also the knyghtes shold be\nlarge & liberall For whan a knyght hath regarde vnto his singuler\nprouffit by his couetyse/ he dispoylleth his peple For whan the\nsouldyours see that they putte hem in paryll. And theyr mayster wyll not\npaye hem theyr wages liberally/ but entendeth to his owne propre gayn\nand proussryt/ than whan the Enemyes come they torne sone her backes and\nflee oftentymes/ And thus hit happeth by hym that entendeth more to gete\nmoney than victorye that his auaryce is ofte tymes cause of his\nconfusion Than late euery knyght take heede to be liberall in suche wyse\nthat he wene not ne suppose that his scarcete be to hym a grete wynnynge\nor gayn/ And for thys cause he be the lasse louyd of his peple/ And that\nhis aduersarye wythdrawe to hym them by large gyuynge/ For oftetyme\nbataylle is auaunced more for getynge of siluer. Than by the force and\nstrengthe of men/ For men see alle daye that suche thynges as may not be\nachieuyd by force of nature/ ben goten and achieuyd by force of money/\nAnd for so moche hit behoueth to see well to that whan the tyme of the\nbataylle cometh/ that he borowe not ne make no tayllage/ For noman may\nbe ryche that leuyth his owne/ hopyng to gete and take of other/ Than\nall waye all her gayn and wynnynge ought to be comyn amonge them exept\ntheyr Armes. For in lyke wyse as the victorie is comune/ so shold the\ndispoyll and botye be comune vnto them And therfore Dauid that gentyll\nknyght in the fyrst book of kynges in the last chapitre made a lawe/\nthat he that abode behynde by maladye or sekenes in the tentes shold\nhaue as moche parte of the butyn as he that had be in the bataylle/ And\nfor the loue of thys lawe he was made afterward kynge of Isr\u00e6ll/\nAlexander of Macedone cam on a tyme lyke a symple knyght vnto the court\nof Porus kynge of Inde for to espye thestate of the kynge and of the\nknyghtes of the court/ And the kynge resseyuyd hym ryght worshipfully/\nAnd demanded of hym many thynges of Alexander and of his constance and\nstrengthe/ nothynge wenynge that he had ben Alexander But antygone one\nof his knyghtis and after he had hym to dyner And whan they had feruyd\nAlexander in vayssell of gold and siluer with dyuerce metes &c. After\nthat he had eten suche as plesid hym he voyded the mete and toke the\nvayssell and helde hit to hymself and put hit in his bosom or sleuys/\nwherof he was accusid vnto the kynge After dyner than the kynge callid\nhym and demanded hym wherfore he had taken his vayssell And he answerd/\nSyre kynge my lord I pray the to vnderstande and take heede thy self and\nalso thy knyghtes/ I haue herd moche of thy grete hyenes And y't thou\nart more myghty and puyssant in cheualrye & in dispensis than is\nAlexander/ and therfore I am come to the a pour knyght whiche am named\nAntygone for to serue the/ Than hit is the custome in the Courte of\nAlexandre/ that what thynge a knyght is seruyd wyth all is alle his/\nmete and vayssell and cuppe And therfore I had supposid that this\ncustome had ben kept in thy court for thou art richer than he/ whan the\nknyghtes herd this/ an[=o]n they lefte porus/ and wente for to serue\nalixandre/ and thus he drewe to hym y'e hertes of them by yeftes/ whiche\nafterward slewe Porus that was kynge of Inde/ And they made Alexandra\nkynge therof Therfore remembre knyght alleway that wyth a closid and\nshette purse shalt thou neuer haue victorye. Ouyde sayth that he that\ntaketh yeftes/ he is glad therwyth/ For they wynne wyth yeftes the\nhertes of the goddes and of men For yf Iupiter were angrid/ wyth yestes\nhe wold be plesid/ The knyghtes ought to be stronge not only of body but\nalso in corage. Ther ben many stronge and grete of body/ that ben faynt\nand feble in the herte/ he is stronge that may not be vaynquysshid and\nouercomen/ how well that he suffryth moche otherwhile/ And so we beleue\nthat they that be not ouer grete ne ouer lityll ben most corageous &\nbeste in batayll. We rede that cadrus duc of athenes shold haue a\nbatayll agayn them of polipe/ And he was warned and had a reuelacion of\nthe goddes/ that they shold haue the victorie of whom the prynce shold\nbe slayn in the batayll/ And the prince whiche was of a grete corage and\ntrewe herte Toke other armes of a poure man/ And put hymself in the\nfronte of the batayll to thende that he might be slain And so he was/\nfor the right trewe prince had leuer dye Than his peple shold be\nouercomen/ And so they had the victorye/ Certes hyt was a noble and fayr\nthynge to expose hym self to the deth for to deffende his contrey. But\nno man wold doo so/ but yf he hopyd to haue a better thynge therfore/\nTherfore the lawe sayth that they lyue in her sowles gloriously that ben\nslain in the warre for the comyn wele A knyght ought also to be\nmercifull and pyetous For ther is nothynge y't maketh a knyght so\nrenomed as is whan he sauyth the lyf of them that he may slee/ For to\nshede and spylle blood is the condicion of a wylde beste and not the\ncondicion of a good knyght Therfore we rede that scylla that was Duc of\nthe Romayns wyth oute had many fayr victoyres agaynst the Romayns wyth\nInne that were contrayre to hym/ In so moche that in the batayll of\npuylle he slewe .xviii. thousand men/ And in champanye .lxx. thousand.\nAnd after in the cyte he slewe thre thousand men vnarmed And whan one of\nhis knyghtes that was named Quyntus catulus sawe this cruelte sayd to\nhym/ Sesse now and suffre them to lyue and be mercyfull to them wyth\nwhom we haue ben victorious And wyth whom we ought to lyue/ For hit is\nthe most hyest and fayr vengeance that a man may doo/ as to spare them &\ngyue hem her lyf whome he may slee Therfore Joab ordeyned whan absalom\nwas slayn/ he sowned a trompette/ that his peple shold no more renne &\nslee theyr aduersaryes. For ther were slayn aboute .xx. thousand of\nthem/ and in lyke wyse dide he whan he faught ayenst Abner And Abner was\nvaynquysshid and fledde. For where that he wente in the chaas he\ncomanded to spare the peple The knyghtes ought to kepe the peple/ For\nwhan the peple ben in theyr tentes or castellis/ the knyghtes ought to\nkepe the wacche/ For this cause the romayns callyd them legyons And they\nwere made of dyuerce prouynces and of dyuerce nacyons to thentente to\nkepe the peple/ And the peple shold entende to theyre werke/ For no\ncrafty man may bothe entende to his craft & to fighte/ how may a crafty\nman entende to hys werke sewrely in tyme of warre but yf he be kept And\nright in suche wyse as the knyghtes shold kepe y'e peple in tyme of peas\nin lyke wise the peple ought to pourveye for theyr dispensis/ how shold\na plowman be sewre in the felde/ but yf the knyghtes made dayly wacche\nto kepe hem/ For lyke as the glorye of a kynge is vpon his knyghtis/ so\nhit is necessarye to the knyghtes that the marchantis craftymen and\ncomyn peple be defended and kepte/ therfore late the knyghtes kepe the\npeple in suche wyse that they maye enioye pees and gete and gadre the\ncostis and expensis of them bothe/ we rede that Athis sayd to dauid\nwhiche was a knyght/ I make the my kepar and defendar alleway. Thus\nshold the knightes haue grete zele that the lawe be kept/ For the\nmageste ryall ought not only to be garnysshid wyth armes but also wyth\ngood lawes/ And therfore shold they laboure that they shold be well kept\nTurgeus pompeyus reherceth of a noble knyght named Ligurgyus that had\nmade auncyent lawes the whiche the peple wold not kepe ne obserue/ For\nthey semed hard for them to kepe And wold constrayne hym to rapele &\nsette hem a part whan the noble knight sawe that He dyde the peple to\nvnderstande that he had not made them/ but a god that was named Apollo\ndelphynus. had made them/ And had comanded hym that he shold do the\npeple kepe them/ Thise wordes auayled not/ they wold in no wyse kepe\nthem/ And than he sayd to them that hit were good that er the said lawes\nshold be broken that he had gyuen to them that he shold goo and speke\nwyth the god Appollo/ For to gete of hym a dispensacion to breke hem/\nAnd that the peple shold kepe & obserue them tyll that he retorned\nagayn/ The peple acorded therto & swore that they shold kepe them to the\ntyme he retorned Than the knighte wente in to grece in exyle & dwellid\nther alle his lyf/ And whan he shold dye he comanded that his body shold\nbe cast in the see/ For as moche as yf his body shold be born theder/\nthe people shold wene to be quyt of theyr oth/ And shold kepe no lenger\nhis lawes that were so good & resonable/ & so the knight had leuer to\nforsake his owne centre & to dye so than to repele his lawes And his\nlawes were suche/ The first lawe was that y'e peple shold obeye & serue\nthe princes/ And the princes shold kepe the peple & do Iustice on the\nmalefactours The second lawe that they shold be all sobre/ For he wiste\nwell that the labour of cheualrye is most stronge whan they lyue\nsobrely/ The thirde was y't noman shold bye ony thynge for money but\nthey shold change ware for ware & one marchandyse for an other/ The\nfourthe was that men shold sette no more by money ner kepe hit more than\nthey wold donge or fylthe/ The fyfthe he ordeyned for the comyn wele\nalle thynge by ordre/ that the prynces myght meue and make bataylle by\nher power, to the maistres counceillours he comysid the Iugementis. And\nthe Annuell rentes/ to the senatours the kepynge of the lawe/ And to the\ncomyn peple he gaf power to chese suche Iuges as they wold haue/ The\nsixte he ordeyned that all thinge shold be departid egally & all thinge\nshold be comyn And none richer than other in patry-monye/ The seuenth\nthat euery man shold ete lyke well in comen openly/ that riches shold\nnot be cause of luxurye whan they ete secretly/ The eygthe that the\nyonge peple shold not haue but o[=n] gowne or garment in the yere/ The\nnynth that men shold sette poure children to laboure in the felde/ to\nthende that they shold not enploye theyr yongthe in playes and in folye/\nbut in labour/ The tenthe that the maydens shold be maryed wythoute\ndowayre/ In suche wyfe that no man shold take a wyf for moneye/ The xi.\nthat men shold rather take a wyf for her good maners and vertues than\nfor her richesses/ The twelfthe that men shold worshippe the olde and\nauncyent men for theyr age and more for theyr wysedom than for her\nriches this knyght made none of thyse lawes/ but he first kepte hem.\n[Illustration]\n_The fyfthe chapitre of the second book of the forme\nand maners of the rooks._\nThe rooks whiche ben vicaires and legats of the kynge ought to be made\nlyke a knyght vpon an hors and a mantell and hood furryd with meneuyer\nholdynge a staf in his hande/ & for as moche as a kyng may not be in\nalle places of his royame/ Therfore the auctorite of hym is gyuen to the\nrooks/ whiche represent the kynge/ And for as moche as a royame is grete\nand large/ and that rebellion or nouelletes might sourdre and aryse in\noon partye or other/ therfore ther ben two rooks one on the right side\nand that other on the lifte side They ought to haue in hem. pyte.\nIuftice. humylite. wilfull pouerte. and liberalite/ Fyrst Iustice for\nhit is most fayr of the vertues/ For it happeth oftetyme that the\nministris by theyr pryde and orgueyll subuerte Iuftice and do no ryght/\nWherfore the kynges otherwhyle lose theyr royames with out theyr culpe\nor gylte/ For an vntrewe Iuge or officyer maketh hys lord to be named\nvnIufte and euyll And contrarye wyse a trewe mynestre of the lawe and\nryghtwys/ causeth the kynge to be reputed Iuste and trewe/ The Romayns\ntherfore made good lawes/ And wolde that/ that they sholde be Iufte and\ntrewe/ And they that establisshid them for to gouerne the peple/ wold in\nno wyse breke them/ but kepe them for to dye for them/ For the auncyent\nand wyse men sayd comynly that it was not good to make and ordeygne that\nlawe that is not Iuste Wherof Valerius reherceth that ther was a man\nthat was named Themistides whiche cam to the counceyllours of athenes\nand sayd that he knewe a counceyll whiche was ryght prouffytable for\nthem/ But he wolde telle hyt but to But to one of them whom that they\nwold/ And they asligned to hym a wyse man named Aristides/ And whan he\nhad vnderstand hym he cam agayn to the other of the counceyll And sayd\nthat the counceyll of Themystides was well prouffitable/ but hit was not\nIuste/ how be hit y'e may reuolue hit in your mynde/ And the counceyll\nthat he sayd was this/ that ther were comen two grete shippis fro\nlacedome and were arryued in theyr londe. And that hit were good to take\nthem/ And whan the counceyll herde hym that sayde/ that hit was not\nIuste ner right/ they lefte hem alle in pees And wold not haue adoo with\nalle/ The vicarye or Iuge of the kynge ought to be so Iuste/ that he\nshold employe alle his entente to saue the comyn wele And yf hit were\nnede to put his lyf and/ lose hit therfore/ we haue an ensample of\nmarcus regulus wherof Tullius reherceth in the book of offices And saynt\nAugustyn also de ciuitate dei/ how he faught agayn them of cartage by\nsee in shippis and was vaynquysshid and taken/ Than hit happend that\nthey of cartage sente hymm in her message to rome for to haue theyr\nprisoners there/ for them y'e were taken/ and so to cha[=u]ge one for an\nother And made hym swere and promyse to come agayn/ And so he cam to\nrome And made proposicion tofore the senate And demanded them of cartage\nof the senatours to be cha[=u]ged as afore is sayd And than the senatours\ndemanded hym what counceyll he gaf Certayn sayd he I co[=u]ceyll yow that\ny'e do hit not in no wise For as moche as the peple of rome that they of\ncartage holde in prison of youris ben olde men and brusid in the warre\nas I am my self/ But they that y'e holde in prison of their peple is alle\nthe flour of alle their folke/ whiche counceyll they toke/ And than his\nfrendes wolde haue holde hym and counceyllyd hym to abide there and not\nretorne agayn prysoner in to cartage/ but he wold neuer doo so ner\nabide/ but wold goo agayn and kepe his oth How well that he knewe that\nhe went toward his deth For he had leuyr dye than to breke his oth\nValeri9 reherceth in the sixth book of one Emelye duc of the romayns/\nthat in the tyme whan he had assieged the phalistes/ The scole maystre\nof the children deceyuyd the children of the gentilmen that he drewe hym\na lityll and a lytyll vnto the tentys of the romayns by fayr speche. And\nsayd to the duc Emelie/ that by the moyan of the children that he had\nbrought to hym/ he shold haue the cyte/ For theyr faders were lordes and\ngouernours. Whan Emelie had herde hym he sayd thus to hym Thou that art\neuyll and cruell And thou that woldest gyue a gyfte of grete felonnye\nand of mauuastye/ thou shalt ner hast not founden here Duc ne peple that\nresembleth the/ we haue also well lawes to kepe in batayll & warre As in\nour contres & other places/ and we wole obserue and kepe them vnto euery\nman as they ought to be kept And we ben armed agaynst our enemyes y't\nwole defende them And not ayenst them y't can not saue their lyf whan\ntheir contre is taken/ as thise lityll children/ Thou hast vaynquysshid\nthem as moche as is in the by thy newe deceyuable falsenes and by\nsubtilnes and not by armes/ but I that am a romayn shall vainquysshe\nthem by craft and strengthe of armes/ And anon he comanded to take the\nsaid scole maister/ And to bynde his handes behynde hym as a traytour\nand lede hem to the parentis of the children And whan the faders &\nparentis sawe the grete courtosie that he had don to them They opend the\nyates and yelded them vnto hym/ we rede that hanyball had taken a prince\nof rome whiche vpon his oth and promyse suffrid hym to gon home/ and to\nsende hym his raunson/ or he shold come agayn within a certain tyme And\nwhan he was at home in his place/ he sayde that he had deceyuyd hym by a\nfalse oth And whan the senatours knewe therof/ they constrayned hym to\nretorne agayn vnto hanyball/ Amos florus tellyth that the phisicien of\nkynge pirrus cam on a nyght to fabrice his aduersarye And promyfid hym\nyf he wold gyue hym for his laboure that he wold enpoysone pirrus his\nmaister/ whan fabricius vnderstode this He dyde to take hym and bynde\nhym hande & foote/ and sente hym to his maistre and dyde do saye to hym\nword for worde lyke as the physicien had sayd and promysid hym to doo/\nAnd whan pirrus vnderstode this he was gretly ameruaylled of the loyalte\nand trouth of fabrice his enemye/ and sayd certaynly that the sonne\nmyghte lighther and sonner be enpesshid of his cours/ than fabrice shold\nbe letted to holde loyalte and trouthe/ yf they than that were not\ncristen were so Iuste and trewe and louyd their contrey and their good\nrenomee/ what shold we now doon than that ben cristen and that cure lawe\nis sette alle vpon loue and charyte/ But now a dayes ther is nothynge\nellys in the world but barate Treson deceyte falsenes and trecherye Men\nkepe not theyr couenantes promyses. othes. writynges. ne trouthe/ The\nsubgettis rebelle agayn theyr lorde/ ther is now no lawe kepte. nor\nfidelite/ ne oth holden/ the peple murmure and ryse agayn theyr lord and\nwole not be subget/ they ought to be pietous in herte/ whiche is\nauaillable to all thinge ther is pite in effecte by compassion/ and in\nworde by remission and pardon/ by almesse/ for to enclyne hymself to the\npoure For pite is nothynge ellis but a right grete will of a debonaire\nherte for to helpe alle men/ Valerius reherceth that ther was a Iuge\nnamed sangis whiche dampned a woman that had deseruyd the deth for to\nhaue her heed smyten of or ellis that she shold dye in prison/ The\nGeayler that had pite on the woman put not her anone to deth but put her\nin the pryson/ And this woman had a doughter whiche cam for to se and\nconforte her moder But allway er she entryd into the pryson the Iayler\nserchid her that se shold bere no mete ne drynke to her moder/ but that\nshe shold dye for honger/ Than hit happend after this that he meruaylled\nmoche why this woman deyd not/ And began to espye the cause why she\nlyuyd so longe/ And fonde at laste how her doughter gaf souke to her\nmoder/ And fedde her with her melke. whan the Iayler aawe this meruaill/\nhe wente & told the Iuge/ And whan the Iuge sawe this grete pite of the\ndoughter to the moder he pardoned her and made her to be delyuerid oute\nof her pryson what is that/ that pite ne amolisshith/ moche peple wene\nthat it is agaynst nature and wondre that the doughter shold gyue the\nmoder to souke/ hit were agayn nature but the children shold be kynde to\nfader and moder/ Seneca sayth that the kynge of bees hath no prykke to\nstynge with as other bees haue. And that nature hath take hit away from\nhym be cause he shold haue none armes to assaylle them And this is an\nexample vnto prynces that they shold be of the fame condicion/ Valerius\nreherceth in his .v. book of marchus martellus that whan he had taken\nthe cyte of siracusane. And was sette in the hyest place of the cyte/ he\nbehelde the grete destruction of the peple and of the cyte/ he wepte and\nsayde/ thou oughtest to be sorofull/ for so moche as thou woldest haue\nno pite of thy self/ But enioye the for thou art fallen in the hande of\na right debonaire prynce. Also he recounteth whan pompeye had conqueryd\nthe kynge of Germanye that often tymes had foughten ayenst the romayns\nAnd that he was brought to fore hym bounden/ he was so pietous that he\nwold not suffre hym to be longe on his knees to fore hym/ but he\nreceyuyd hym cortoysly And sette the crowne agayn on his heed and put\nhym in thestate that he was to fore/ For he had oppynyon that hit was as\nworshipfull and fittynge to a kynge to pardone/ as to punysshe. Also he\nreherceth of a co[=u]ceyllour that was named poule that dide do brynge to\nfore hym a man that was prisonner And as he knelid to fore hym he toke\nhym vp fro the ground & made hym to sytte beside hym for to gyue hym\ngood esperance and hoope And sayd to the other stondynge by/ in this\nwyse. yf hit be grete noblesse that we shewe our self contrarye to our\nenemyes/ than this fete ought to be alowed that we shew our self\ndebonair to our caytyfs & prisonners Cesar whan he herde the deth of\ncathon whiche was his aduersarye sayde that he had grete enuye of his\nglorye. And no thinge of his patrimonye/ and therfore he lefte to his\nchildren frely all his patrimonye Thus taught vyrgyle and enseygned the\ngloryus prynces to rewle and gouerne the peple of rome. And saynt\nAugustin de ciuitate dei saith thus Thou emperour gouerne the peple\npietously And make peas ouerall/ deporte and forbere thy subgets/\nrepreue & correcte the prowde/ for so enseyne And teche the the lawes/\nAnd hit was wreton vnto Alexander/ that euery prynce ought to be pyetous\nin punysshynge/ and redy for to rewarde/ Ther is no thynge that causeth\na prynce to be so belouyd of hys peple/ As whan he speketh to hem\nswetly/ and co[=u]ersith with hem symply/ And all this cometh of the roote\nof pyte/ we rede of the Emperour Traian that his frendes repreuyd hym of\nthat he was to moche pryue and familier wyth the comyn peple more than\nan emperour ought to be/ And he answerd that he wold be suche an\nemperour as euery man desired to haue hym/ Also we rede of Alixander\nthat on a tyme he ladde his oost forth hastely/ and in that haste he\nbeheld where satte an olde knight that was sore acolde Whom he dide do\narise and sette hym in his owne sete or siege/ what wondre was hit\nthough y'e knightes desired to serue suche a lord that louyd better\ntheyr helth than his dignite/ The rookes ought also to be humble & meke\nAfter the holy scripture whiche saith/ the gretter or in the hier astate\nthat thou arte/ so moche more oughtest thou be meker & more humble\nValerius reherceth in his .vii. book that ther was an emperour named\npublius cesar/ That dide do bete doun his hows whiche was in the middis\nof y'e market place for as moche as hit was heier than other houses/ for\nas moche as he was more glorious in astate than other/ Therfore wold he\nhaue a lasse hous than other And scipion of affrique that was so poure\nof vol[=u]tarie pouerte y't whan he was dede/ he was buried at y'e\ndispencis of y'e comyn good/ They shold be so humble y't they shold leue\ntheyr offices/ and suffre other to take hem whan her tyme comyth/ & doo\nhonour to other/ for he gouerneth wel y'e royame y't may gouerne hit\nwhan he will Valeri'9 saith In his thirde book that fabyan the grete had\nben maistre counceyllour of his fader his grauntsire/ And of his\ngrauntsirs fader & of alle his antecessours And yet dide he alle his\npayne and labour/ that his sone shold neuer haue that office after hym/\nbut for nothynge that he mystrusted his sone/ For he was noble and wise\nand more attemprid than other/ but he wold that the office shold not all\nway reste in the familye and hows of the fabyans Also he reherceth in\nhis seuenth book that they wold make the sayd fabyan em\u00feour/ but he\nexcused hym and sayd that he was blynde and myght not see for age/ but\nthat excusacion myght not helpe hym/ Than sayd he to hem/ seke y'e and\ngete yow another/ For yf y'e make me your em\u00feour I may not suffre your\nmaners/ nor y'e may not suffre myn/ Ther was a kynge of so subtyll engyne\nThat whan men brought hym the crowne/ to fore that he toke hit/ he\nremembrid hym a lityll and saide/ O thou crowne that art more noble than\nhappy For yf a kynge knewe well and parfaytly how that thou art full of\nparyls of thoughte and of charge/ yf thou were on the grounde/ he wolde\nneuer lyfte ner take the vp/ Remembre the that whan thou art most\ngloryous/ than haue some men moste enuye on the/ and whan thou haste\nmoste seignourye and lordships than shalt thou haue moste care. thought\nand anguysshes/ Vaspasian was so humble that whan Nero was slayn alle\nthe peple cryed for to haue hym em\u00feour/ and many of his frendes cam &\nprayde hym that he wold take hit vpon hym/ so at the last he was\nconstrayned to take hit vpon hym. And sayd to his frendes Hit is better\nand more to preyse and alowe for a man to take thempire agaynst his wil/\nthan for to laboure to haue hit and to put hym self therin/ Thus ought\nthey to be humble and meke for to resseyue worship/ Therfore sayth the\nbible that Ioab the sone of Saryre that was captayn of the warre of the\nkynge Dauid/ whan he cam to take and wynne a Cyte/ He sente to Dauid and\ndesired hym to come to the warre/ that the victorye shold be gyuen to\nDauid/ And not to hym self/ Also they ought to be ware that they chaunge\nnot ofte tymes her officers/ Josephus reherceth that the frendes of\ntyberyus meruaylled moche why he helde hys offycyers so longe in theyr\noffices wyth oute changynge/ And they demanded of hym the cause/ to whom\nhe answerd/ I wold chaunge them gladly/ yf I wyste that hit shold be\ngood for the peple/ But I sawe on a tyme a man that was roynyous & full\nof soores/ And many flyes satte vpon the soores and souked his blood\nthat hit was meruaylle to see/ wherfore I smote and chaced them away.\nAnd he than said to me why chacest and smytest away thyse flyes that ben\nfull of my blood/ And now shallt thou late come other that ben hongrye\nwhiche shall doon to me double payne more than the other dide/ for the\nprikke of the hongrye is more poyngnant the half/ than of y'e fulle And\ntherfore sayde he I leue the officiers in their offices. for they ben\nall riche/ and doo not so moch euyl & harme As the newe shold doo & were\npoure yf I shold sette hem in her places/ They ought also to be pacyent\nin herynge of wordes & in suffrynge payne on her bodyes/ as to the first\nOne said to alisander that he was not worthy to regne. specially whan he\nsuffrid that lecherie and delyte to haue seignoire in hym/ he suffrid\nhit paciently/ And answerd none otherwyse but that he wolde corrette hym\nself. And take better maners and more honeste Also hit is reherced that\nIulius cezar was ballyd wherof he had desplaysir so grete that he kempt\nhis heeris that laye on the after parte of his heed forward for to hyde\nthe bare to fore. Than sayd a knyght to him Cezar hit is lighther And\nsonner to be made that thou be not ballid/ than that I haue vsid ony\ncowardyse in the warre of rome/ or hereafter shall doo ony cowardyse/ he\nsuffrid hit paciently and sayd not aword/ Another reproched hym by his\nlignage And callyd hym fornier/ he answerd that hit is better that\nnoblesse begynne in me/ than hit shold faylle in me/ Another callid hym\ntyraunt/ he answerd yf I were one. thou woldest not saie soo A knight\ncallid on a tyme scipion of affricque fowle & olde knyght in armes And\nthat he knewe lityll good And he answerd I was born of my moder a lityll\nchild and feble and not a man of armes. And yet he was at alle tymes one\nof the best and moste worthy in armes that liuyd. Another sayd to\nvaspasian/ And a wolf shold sonner change his skyn and heer/ than thou\nsholdest cha[=u]ge thy lyf For the lenger thou lyvest the more thou\ncoueytest And he answerd of thyse wordes we ought to laughe. But we\nought to amende our selfe And punysshe the trespaces. Seneque reherceth\nthat the kynge Antygonus herde certayn peple speke and saye euyll of\nhym/ And therwas betwene hem nomore but a courtyne/ And than he sayde\nmake an ende of your euyll langage leste the kynge here yow/ for the\ncourtyne heereth yow well[54] I nowhe. Than as towchynge to the paynes\nthat they ought to suffre paciently Valerius reherceth that a tyrant\ndide do tormente Anamaximenes & thretenyd hym for to cutte of his tonge.\nTo whom he sayd hit is not in thy power to doo soo/ and forthwyth he\nbote of his owne tonge/ And shewed hit wyth his teth and casted hit in\nthe visage of the Tyrant Hit is a grete vertu in a man that he forgete\nnot to be pacyent in corrections of wronges/ Hit is better to leue a\ngylty man vnpunysshyd/ than to punysshe hym in a wrath or yre Valerius\nreherceth that archita of tarente that was mayster to plato sawe that\nhis feldes & lande was destroyed and lost by the necligence of his\nseruant To whom he sayd yf I were not angry with the I wold take\nvengeance and turmente the/ Lo there y'e may see that he had leuer to\nleue to punysshe/ than to pugnysshe more by yre & wrath than by right\nAnd therfore sayth seneque/ doo no thynge that thou oughtest to doo whan\ny'u art angry/ For whan thou art angry thou woldest doo alle thynges\nafter thy playsir/ And yf thou canst not vaynquysshe thyn yre/ than\nmuste thyn yre ouercome the/ After thys ought they to haue wylfull\npouerte/ lyke as hit was in the auncyent prynces/ For they coueyted more\nto be riche in wytte and good maners than in moneye/ And that reherceth\nValerius in his .viii. booke that scipion of Affryque was accused vnto\nthe Senate that he shold haue grete tresour/ And he answerd certes whan\nI submysed affryque in to your poeste/ I helde no thynge to myself that\nI myght faye this is myn save only the surname of affryque/ Ner the\naffryquans haue not founden in me ner in my broder ony auarice/ ner y't\nwe were so couetouse that we had ne had gretter enuye to be riche of\nname than of rychesses/ And therfore sayth seneque that the kynge\nAltagone vsid gladly in his hows vessels of erthe/ And some sayde he\ndyde hit for couetyse/ But he sayde that hit was better and more noble\nthynge to myne in good maners than in vayssell And whan some men\ndemanded hym why and for what cause he dyde so/ he answerd I am now\nkynge of secylle/ and was sone of a potter/ and for as moche as I doubte\nfortune. For whan I yssued out of the hous of my fader and moder/ I was\nsodaynly made riche/ wherfore I beholde the natiuyte of me and of my\nlignage/ whiche is humble & meke/ And alle these thynges cometh of\nwilfull pouerte/ for he entended more to the comyn prouffyt than to his\nowen/ And of thys pouerte speketh saynt Augustyn in the booke of the\ncyte of god That they that entende to the comyn prouffyt. sorowe more\nthat wilfull pouerte is lost in rome/ than the richesses of rome/ For by\nthe wilfull pouerte was the renomee of good maners kept entierly/ thus\nby this richesse pouerte is not only corrupt in thyse dayes ner the cyte\nner the maners/ but also the thoughtes of the men ben corrupt by thys\ncouetyse and by felonnye that is worse. than ony other enemye And of the\ncruelte of the peple of rome speketh the good man of noble memorye Iohn\nthe monke late cardynall of rome in the decretall the syxte in the\nchapitre gens sancta where he sayth/ that they ben felo[=u]s ayenst god.\ncontrarye to holy thynges. traytres one to that other. enuyous to her\nneyghbours. proude vnto straungers. rebelle and vntrewe vnto theyr\nsouerayns Not suffringe to them that ben of lower degree than they and\nnothinge shamfast to demande thinges discouenable and not to leue tyll\nthey haue that they demande/ and not plesid but disagreable whan they\nhaue resseyuyd the yeft They haue their tonges redy for to make grete\nboost/ and doo lityll/ They ben large in promysynges/ And smale gyuers/\nthey ben ryght fals deceyuours/ And ryght mordent and bitynge\ndetractours/ For whiche thynge hit is a grete sorowe to see the humylite\nthe pacyence And the good wisedom that was woute to be in this cyte of\nrome whiche is chief of alle the world is peruertid & torned in to\nmaleheurte and thise euylles/ And me thynketh that in other partyes of\ncrestiante they haue taken ensample of them to doo euyll/ They may saye\nthat this is after the decretale of seygnourye and disobeysance/ that\nsayth That suche thynges that the souerayns doo/ Is lightly and sone\ntaken in ensample of theyr subgets/ Also thise vicayres shold be large\nand liberall/ In so moche that suche peple as serue them ben duly payd\nand guerdoned of her labour/ For euery man doth his labour the better\nand lightlyer whan he seeth that he shall be well payd and rewarded/ And\nwe rede that Titus the sone of vaspasian was so large and so liberall/\nThat he gaf and promysyd somewhat to euery man/ And whan hys moste pryuy\nfrendes demanded of hym why he promysid more that he myght gyue/ he\nanswerd for as moche as hyt apperteyneth not to a prynce that ony man\nshold departe sorowfull or tryste fro hym/ Than hit happend on a day\nthat he gaf ner promysid no thynge to ony man And whan hit was euen\nauysed hymself/ he sayd to hys frendes/ O y'e my frendes thys day haue I\nlost for this day haue I don no good,' And also we rede of Iulius Cefar\nthat he neuer saide in alle his lyue to his knyghtes goo oon but all way\nbe sayde come come/ For I loue allway to be in youre companye/ And he\nknewe well that hit was lasse payne & trauayll to the knyghtes whan the\nprynce is in her companye that loueth hem & c[=o]forted hem And also we\nrede of the same Iulius cesar in the booke of truphes of phylosophers/\nthat ther was an Auncyent knyght of his that was in paryll of a caas\nhangynge to fore the Iuges of rome so he callyd cefar on a tyme and said\nto hym to fore all men that he shold be his aduocate And cesar deliueryd\nand assigned to hym a right good aduocate And the knyght sayd to hym O\ncesar I put no vicaire in my place whan thou were in parill in y'e\nbatayll of assise/ But I faught for the. And than he shewed to hym the\nplaces of his woundes that he had receyuyd in the batayll And than cam\ncesar in his propre persone for to be his aduocate & to plete his cause\nfor hym/ he wold not haue the name of vnkyndenes/ but doubted that men\nshold saye that he were proude And that he wold not do for them that had\nseruyd hym They that can not do so moche/ as for to be belouyd of her\nknyghtes/ can not loue the knyghtes And this sufficeth of the rooks.\nBOOK III.\n[Illustration]\n_The thirde tractate of the offices of the comyn peple. The fyrst\nchapitre is of the office of the labourers and werkemen_.\nFor as moche as the Noble persone canne not rewle ne gouerne with oute\ny'e seruyce and werke of the peple/ than hit behoueth to deuyse the\noeuurages and the offices of the werkemen/ Than I shall begynne fyrst at\nthe fyrst pawne/ that is in the playe of the chesse/ And signefieth a\nman of the comyn peple on fote For they be all named pietous that is as\nmoche to saye as footemen And than we wyll begynne at the pawne whiche\nstandeth to fore the rooke on the right side of the kinge for as moche\nas this pawne apperteyneth to serue the vicaire or lieutenant of the\nkynge and other officers vnder hym of necessaryes of vitayll/ And this\nmaner a peple is figured and ought to be maad in the forme & shappe of a\nman holdynge in his ryght hande a spade or shouell And a rodde in the\nlifte hand/ The spade or shouell is for to delue & labour therwith the\nerthe/ And the rodde is for to dryue & conduyte wyth all the bestes vnto\nher pasture also he ought to haue on his gyrdell/ a crokyd hachet for to\ncutte of the supfluytees of the vignes & trees/ And we rede in the\nbible that the first labourer that euer was/ was Caym the firste sone of\nAdam that was so euyll that he slewe his broder Abel/ for as moche as\nthe smoke of his tythes went strayt vnto heuen'/ And the smoke & fumee\nof the tythes of Caym wente downward vpon the erthe And how well that\nthis cause was trewe/ yet was ther another cause of enuye that he had\nvnto his broder/ For whan Adam their fader maried them for to multyplie\ny'e erthe of hys lignye/ he wolde not marye ner Ioyne to gyder the two\nthat were born attones/ but gaf vnto caym her that was born wyth Abel/\nAnd to Abel her that was born with caym/ And thus began thenuye that\ncaym had ayenst abel/ For his wyf was fayrer than cayms wyf And for this\ncause he slough abel with the chekebone of a beste/ & at that tyme was\nneuer no maner of yron blody of mannes blood/ And abel was y'e first\nmartier in tholde testament/ And this caym dide many other euyl thinges\nwhiche I leue/ for hit apperteyneth not to my mater/ But hit behoueth\nfor necessite y't some shold labour the erthe after y'e synne of adam/\nfor to fore er adam synned/ the erthe brought forth fruyt with out\nlabour of handes/ but syn he synned/ hit muste nedes be labourid with\ny'e handes of men And for as moche as the erthe is moder of alle thynges\nAnd that we were first formed and toke oure begynnyng of the erthe/ the\nsame wyse at the laste. she shall be the ende vnto alle vs and to alle\nthynges/ And god that formed vs of the erthe hath ordeyned that by the\nlaboure of men she shold gyue nourysshyng vnto alle that lyueth/ and\nfirst the labourer of y'e erthe ought to knowe his god that formed and\nmade heuen & erthe of nought And ought to haue loyaulte and trouth in\nhymself/ and despise deth for to entende to his laboure And he ought to\ngyue thankyngis to hym that made hym And of whom he receyueth all his\ngoodes temporall/ wherof his lyf is susteyned/ And also he is bounden to\npaye the dismes and tythes of alle his thynges And not as Caym dyde. But\nas Abell dyde of the beste that he chese allway for to gyue to god & to\nplese hym/ For they that grucche and be greuyd in that they rendre and\ngyue to god the tienthes of her goodes/ they ought to be aferd and haue\ndrede that they shall falle in necessite And y't they might be\ndispoyllyd or robbed by warre or by tempeste that myght falle or happen\nin the contrey And hit is meruayll though hit so happen For that man\nthat is disagreable vnto god And weneth y't the multiplynge of his\ngoodes temporell cometh by the vertu of his owne co[=u]ceyll and his\nwytte/ the whiche is made by the only ordenance of hym that made alle.\nAnd by the same ordenance is soone taken away fro hym that is\ndisagreable/ and hit is reson that whan a man haboundeth by fortune in\ngoodes/ And knoweth not god/ by whom hit cometh/ that to hym come some\nother fortune by the whiche he may requyre grace and pardon And to knowe\nhis god/ And we rede of the kynge Dauid that was first symple & one of\nthe comyn peple/ that whan fortune had enhaunsed and sette hym in grete\nastate/ he lefte and forgate his god/ And fyll to aduoultrye and\nhomicyde and other synnes/ Than anon his owne sone Absalom assaylled &\nbegan to persecute hym And than whan he sawe that fortune was contrarye\nto hym/ he began to take agayn his vertuous werkis and requyred pardoun\nand so retorned to god agayn. We rede also of the children of ysr\u00e6l\nthat were nyghe enfamyned in desert and sore hongry & thrusty that they\nprayd & requyred of god for remedy/ Anon he changed his wyll & sente to\nhem manna/ & flessh &c./ And whan they were replenesshid & fatte of the\nflessh of bestes & of the manna/ they made a calf of gold and worshippid\nhit. Whiche was a grete synne & Inyquyte/ For whan they were hongry they\nknewe god/ And whan theyre belyes were fylde & fatted/ they forgid\nydoles & were ydolatrers. After this euery labourer ought to be\nfaythfull & trewe That whan his maystre delyuereth to hym his lande to\nbe laboured/ that he take no thinge to hymself but that hym ought to\nhaue & is his/ but laboure truly & take cure and charge in the name of\nhis maistre/ and do more diligently his maisters labours than his owen/\nfor the lyf of y'e most grete & noble men next god lieth in y'e handes\nof the labourers/ and thus all craftes & occupacions ben ordeyned not\nonly to suffise to them only/ but to the comyn/ And so hit happeth ofte\ntyme that y'e labourer of the erthe vseth grete and boystous metes/ and\nbringeth to his maister more subtile & more deyntous metes/ And valerius\nreherceth in his. vi. book that ther was a wife & noble maistre y't was\nnamed Anthoni9 that was accused of a caas of aduoultrye/ & as the cause\nhenge to fore the Iuges/ his accusers or denonciatours brought I\nlabourer that closid his land for so moche as they sayde whan his\nmaistre wente to doo the aduoultrye/ this same seruant bare the\nlanterne. wherof Anthonyus was sore abasshyd and doubted that he shold\ndepose agaynst hym But the labourer that was named papirion sayd to his\nmaister that he shold denye his cause hardyly vnto the Iuges For for to\nbe tormentid/ his cause shold neuer be enpeyrid by hym/ ner no thynge\nshold yssue out of his mouth wherof he shold be noyed or greuyd And than\nwas the labourer beten and tormentid and brent in many places of his\nbody But he sayd neuer thynge wherof his mayster was hurte or noyed/ But\nthe other that accused his maister were punysshid And papiryon was\ndeliuerid of his paynes free and franc/ And also telleth valerius that\nther was another labourer that was named penapion/ that seruyd a maister\nwhos name was Themes which was of meruayllous faith to his maystre For\nhit befell that certain knyghtes cam to his maisters hows for to slee\nhym And anone as papiryon knewe hit/ he wente in to his maisters chambre\nAnd wold not be knowen For he dide on his maisters gowne and his rynge\non his fynger/ And laye on his bedde And thus put hym self in parill of\ndeth for to respite his maisters lyf/ But we see now a dayes many fooles\nthat daigne not to vse groos metes of labourers. And flee the cours\nclothynge And maners of a seruant Euery wise man a seruant that truly\nserueth his maister is free and not bonde/ But a foole that is ouer\nproude is bonde/ For the debilite and feblenes of corage that is broken\nin conscience by pryde Enuye. or by couetyse is ryght seruytude/ yet\nthey ought not to doubte to laboure for feere and drede of deth/ no man\nought to loue to moche his lyf/ For hit is a fowll thynge for a man to\nrenne to the deth for the enemye of his lyf/ And a wyse man and a\nstronge man ought not to flee for his lyf/ but to yssue For ther is no\nman that lyueth/ but he must nedes dye. And of this speketh claudyan and\nsayth that alle thoo thynges that the Ayer goth aboute and enuyronned.\nAnd alle thynge that the erthe laboureth/ Alle thyngys that ben\nconteyned wyth in the see Alle thynges that the floodes brynge forth/\nAlle thynges that ben nourysshid and alle the bestes that ben vnder the\nheuen shall departe alle from the world/ And alle shall goo at his\ncomandement/ As well Kynges Prynces and alle that the world enuyronned\nand gooth aboute/ Alle shall goo this waye/ Than he ought not to doubte\nfor fere of deth. For as well shail dye the ryche as the poure/ deth\nmaketh alle thynge lyke and putteth alle to an ende/ And therof made a\nnoble versifier two versis whiche folowe Forma. genus. mores.\nsapi[=e]cia. res. et honores/ Morte ruant subita sola manent merita/\nWherof the english is Beaulte. lignage. maners. wysedom. thynges &\nhonoures/ shal ben deffetid by sodeyn deth/ no thynge shal abide but the\nmerites/ And herof fynde we in Vitas patrum. that ther was an erle a\nriche & noble man that had a sone onely/ and whan this sone was of age\nto haue knowlech of the lawe/ he herde in a sermone that was prechid\nthat deth spareth none/ ne riche ne poure/ and as well dyeth y'e yonge\nas the olde/ and that the deth ought specially to be doubted for .iii.\ncauses/ one was/ y't noman knoweth whan he cometh/ and the seconde/ ner\nin what state he taketh a man/ And the thirde he wote neuer whither he\nshall goo. Therfore eche man shold dispise and flee the world and lyue\nwell and hold hym toward god And when this yong man herde this thynge/\nhe wente oute of his contrey and fledde vnto a wyldernesse vnto an\nhermytage/ and whan his fader had loste hym he made grete sorowe/ and\ndyde do enquere & seke hym so moche at last he was founden in the\nhermitage/ and than his fader cam theder to hym and sayde/ dere sone\ncome from thens/ thou shalt be after my deth erle and chyef of my\nlignage/ I shall be lost yf thou come not out from thens/ And he than\nthat wyste non otherwise to eschewe the yre of his fader bethought hym\nand sayde/ dere fader ther is in your centre and lande a right euyll\ncustome yf hit plese yow to put that away I shall gladly come out of\nthis place and goo with yow The fader was glad and had grete Ioy And\ndema[=u]ded of hym what hit was And yf he wold telle hym he promysid him\nto take hit away and hit shold be left and sette aparte. Than he sayde\ndere fader ther dyen as well the yong folk in your contrey as the olde/\ndo that away I pray yow/ Whan his fader herde that he sayde Dere sone\nthat may not be ner noman may put that away but god only/ Than answerd\nthe sone to the fader/ than wylle I serue hym and dwelle here wyth hym\nthat may do that. And so abode the childe in the hermytgage & lyuyd\nthere in good werkes After this hit apperteyneth to a labourer to\nentende to his laboure and flee ydlenes/ And thou oughtest to knowe that\nDauid preyseth moche in the sawlter the treve labourers and sayth/ Thou\nshalt ete the labour of thyn handes and thou art blessid/ and he shall\ndo to the good And hit behoueth that the labourer entende to his labour\non the werkedayes for to recuyell and gadre to gyder the fruyt of his\nlabour/ And also he ought to reste on the holy day/ bothe he and his\nbestes. And a good labourer ought to norysshe and kepe his bestes/ And\nthis is signefied by the rodde that he hath. Whiche is for to lede and\ndryue them to the pasture/ The fiste pastour that euer was/ was Abel\nwhiche was Iuste and trewe/ and offryd to god the bestes vnto his\nsacrefice/ And hym ought he to folowe in craft & maners But no man that\nvseth the malice of Caym may ensue and folowe Abel/ And thus hit\napperteyneth to the labourer to sette and graffe trees and vygnes/ and\nalso to plante and cutte them And so dyde noe whiche was the first that\nplanted the vygne after y'e deluge and flood For as Iosephus reherceth\nin y'e book of naturell thinges Noe was he that fonde fyrst the vygne/\nAnd he fonde hym bitter and wylde/ And therfore he toke .iiii. maners of\nblood/ that is to wete the blood of a lyon. the blood of a lamb, the\nblood of a swyne. and the blood of an ape and medlid them alto geder\nwith the erthe/ And than he cutte the vygne/ And put this aboute the\nrootes therof. To thende that the bitternes shold be put away/ and that\nhyt shold be swete/ And whan he had dronken of the fruyt of this vygne/\nhit was so good and mighty that he becam so dronke/ that he dispoylled\nhym in suche wise y't his pryuy membres might be seen/ And his yongest\nsone cham mocqued and skorned hym And whan Noe was awakid & was sobre &\nfastinge/ he assemblid his sones and shewid to them the nature of the\nvygne and of the wyn/ And told to them the caufe why y't he had put the\nblood of the bestes aboute the roote of the vygne and that they shold\nknowe well y't otherwhile by y'e strength of the wyn men be made as\nhardy as the lyon and yrous And otherwhile they be made symple &\nshamefast as a lambe And lecherous as a fwyn/ And curyous and full of\nplaye as an Ape/ For the Ape is of suche nature that whan he seeth one\ndo a thynge he enforceth hym to doo the same/ and so doo many whan they\nben dronke/ they will medle them wyth alle officers & matiers that\napperteyne no thynge to them/ And whan they ben fastynge & sobre they\ncan scarfely accomplisshe theyr owne thynges And therfore valerian\nreherceth that of auncyente and in olde tyme women dranke no wyn for as\nmoche as by dronkenship they myght falle in ony filthe or vilonye And as\nOuide sayth/ that the wyns otherwhyle apparaylle the corages in suche\nmanere that they ben couenable to alle synnes whiche take away the\nhertes to doo well/ They make the poure riche/ as longe as the wyn is in\nhis heed And shortly dronkenshyp is the begynnynge of alle euyllys/ And\ncorrompith the body/ and destroyed the fowle and mynusshith the goodes\ntemporels/ And this suffyseth for the labourer.\n[Illustration]\n_The seconde chapitre of the thirde tractate treteth of the forme and\nmaner of the second pawne and of the maner of smyth_.\nThe seconde pawne y't standeth to fore the knyght on the right side of\nthe kynge hath the forme and figure of a man as a smyth and that is\nreson For hit apperteyneth to y'e knyghtes to haue bridellys sadellys\nspores and many other thynges made by the handes of smythes and ought to\nholde an hamer in his right hande. And in his lyfte hand a dolabre and\nhe ought to haue on his gyrdell a trowell For by this is signefied all\nmaner of werkemen/ as goldsmithes. marchallis, smithes of all forges/\nforgers and makers of monoye & all maner of smythes ben signefyed by\n[55] the hamer/ The carpenters ben signefyed by the dolabre or squyer/\nAnd by the trowell we vnderstande all masons & keruars of stones/\ntylers/ and alle them that make howses castels & tours/ And to alle\nthese crafty men hit apperteyneth that they be trewe. wise and stronge/\nand hit is nede y't they haue in hemself faith and loyaulte/ For vnto\nthe goldsmythes behoueth gold & siluer And alle other metallys. yren &\nsteel to other/ And vnto the carpenters and masons/ ben put to theyr\nedifices the bodyes and goodes of the peple/ And also men put in the\nhandes of the maronners body and goodes of the peple/ And in the garde\nand sewerte of them men put body & sowle in the paryls of the see/ and\ntherfore ought they to be trewe/ vnto whom men commytte suche grete\ncharge and so grete thynges vpon her fayth and truste. And therfore\nsayth the philosopher/ he that leseth his fayth and beleue/ may lose no\ngretter ne more thynge. And fayth is a fouerayn good and cometh of the\ngood wyll of the herte and of his mynde And for no necessite wyll\ndeceyue no man/ And is not corrupt for no mede. Valerius reherceth that\nFabius had receyuyd of hanybal certayn prysoners that he helde of the\nromayns for a certayn some of money whiche he promysid to paye to the\nsayd hanyball/ And whan he cam vnto the senatours of rome and desired to\nhaue y'e money lente for hem They answerd that they wold not paye ner\nlene And than fabius sente his sone to rome & made hym to selle his\nheritage & patrimonye/ and fente the money that he resseyuyd therof vnto\nhanibal/ And had leuer & louyd better to be poure in his contrey of\nherytage/ than of byleue and fayth/ But in thyfe dayes hit were grete\nfolye to haue fuche affiance in moche peple but yf they had ben preuyd\nafore For oftentymes men truste in them by whom they ben deceyuyd at\ntheyr nede/ And it is to wete that these crafty men and werkemen ben\nsouerainly prouffitable vnto the world And wyth oute artificers and\nwerkmen the world myght not be gouerned/ And knowe thou verily that alle\ntho thynges that ben engendrid on the erthe and on the see/ ben made and\nformed for to do prouffit vnto the lignage of man/ for man was formed\nfor to haue generacion/ that the men myght helpe and prouffit eche other\nAnd here in ought we to folowe nature/ For she shewed to vs that we\nshold do comyn prouffit one to an other/ And y'e first fondement of\nIustice is that no man shold noye or greue other But that they ought doo\nthe comyn prouffit/ For men saye in reproche That I see of thyn/ I hope\nhit shall be myn But who is he in thyse dayes that entendeth more to the\ncomyn prouffit than to his owne/ Certaynly none/ But all way a man ought\nto haue drede and feere of his owne hows/ whan he seeth his neyghbours\nhous a fyre And therfore ought men gladly helpe the comyn prouffit/ for\nmen otherwhile sette not be a lityll fyre And might quenche hit in the\nbegynnyng/ that afterward makyth a grete blasyng fyre. And fortune hath\nof no thinge so grete playsir/ as for to torne & werke all way/ And\nnature is so noble a thynge that were as she is she wyll susteyne and\nkepe/ but this rewle of nature hath fayllid longe tyme/ how well that\nthe decree sayth that alle the thynges that ben ayenst the lawe of\nnature/ ought to be taken away and put a part And he sayth to fore in\nthe .viii. distinction that the ryght lawe of nature differenceth ofte\ntymes for custome & statutes establisshid/ for by lawe of nature all\nthinge ought to be comyn to euery man/ and this lawe was of old tyme And\nmen wene yet specially y't the troians kept this lawe And we rede that\nthe multitude of the Troians was one herte and one sowle/ And verayly we\nfynde that in tyme passid the philosophres dyde the same/ And also hit\nis to be supposyd that suche as haue theyr goodes comune & not propre is\nmost acceptable to god/ For ellys wold not thise religious men as monkes\nfreris chanons obseruantes & all other auowe hem & kepe the wilfull\npouerte that they ben professid too/ For in trouth I haue my self ben\nconuersant in a religio'9 hous of white freris at gaunt Which haue all\nthynge in comyn amonge them/ and not one richer than an other/ in so\nmoche that yf a man gaf to a frere .iii. d or .iiii. d to praye for hym\nin his masse/ as sone as the masse is doon he deliuerith hit to his\nouerest or procuratour in whyche hows ben many vertuous and deuoute\nfreris And yf that lyf were not the beste and the most holiest/ holy\nchurch wold neuer suffre hit in religion And acordynge thereto we rede\nin plato whiche sayth y't the cyte is well and Iustely gouernid and\nordeyned in the whiche no man maye saye by right, by cuftome. ne by\nordenance/ this is myn/ but I say to the certaynly that syn this custome\ncam forth to say this is myn/ And this is thyn/ no man thought to\npreferre the comyn prouffit so moche as his owen/ And alle werkemen\nought to be wise & well aduysyd so that they haue none enuye ne none\neuyll suspecion one to an other/ for god wylle that our humayne nature\nbe couetous of two thynges/ that is of Religion. And of wysedom/ but in\nthis caas ben some often tymes deceyued For they take ofte tymes\nreligion and leue wisedom And they take wysedom and reffuse religion And\nnone may be vraye and trewe with oute other For hit apperteyneth not to\na wyse man to do ony thynge that he may repente hym of hit/ And he ought\nto do no thynge ayenst his wyll/ but to do alle thynge nobly, meurely.\nfermely. and honestly And yf he haue enuye vpon ony. hit is folye For he\non whom he hath enuye is more honest and of more hauoir than he whiche\nis so enuyous/ For a man may haue none enuye on an other/ but be cause\nhe is more fortunat and hath more grace than hym self/ For enuye is a\nsorowe of corage y't cometh of dysordynance of the prouffit of another\nman And knowe thou verily that he that is full of bounte shall neuer\nhaue enuye of an other/ But thenuyous man seeth and thynketh alleway\nthat euery man is more noble/ And more fortunat that hymself And sayth\nalleway to hymself/ that man wynneth more than I/ and myn neyghebours\nhaue more plente of bestes/ and her thynges multiplye more than myn/ and\ntherfore thou oughtest knowe that enuye is the most grettest dedely\nsynne that is/ for she tormenteth hym that hath her wythin hym/ wyth\noute tormentynge or doyng ony harme to hym/ on whome he hath enuye. And\nan enuyous man hath no vertue in hymself/ for he corrumpeth hymself for\nas moche as he hateth allway the welthe and vertues of other/ and thus\nought they to kepe them that they take none euyll suspec[=o]n For a man\nnaturally whan his affection hath suspecion in ony man that he weneth\nthat he doth/ hit semeth to hym verily that it is doon. And hit is an\neuyll thynge for a man to haue suspecion on hymfelf/ For we rede that\ndionyse of zecyll a tyrant Was so suspecionous that he had so grete fere\nand drede For as moche as he was hated of all men/ that he putte his\nfrendes oute of theyr offices that they had/ And put other strangers in\ntheyr places for to kepe his body/ and chese suche as were ryght Cruell\nand felons/ And for fere and doubte of the barbours/ he made hys\ndoughters to lerne shaue and kembe/ And whan they were grete. He wold\nnot they shold vse ony yron to be occupied by them/ but to brenne and\nsenge his heeris/ and manaced them and durst not truste in them/ And in\nlyke wyse they had none affiance in hym And also he dyde do enuyronne\nthe place where he laye wyth grete diches and brode lyke a castell/ And\nhe entryd by a drawbrygge whiche closyd after hym/ And hys knyghtes laye\nwyth oute wyth his gardes whiche wacchid and kept straytly thys\nforteresse/ And whan plato sawe thys Dionyse kynge of cezille thus\nenuyronned and set aboute wyth gardes & wacche-men for the cause of his\nsuspecion sayd to hym openly to fore all men kinge why hast thou don so\nmoche euyll & harme/ that the behoueth to be kept wyth so moche peple/\nAnd therfore I saye that hit apperteyneth not to ony man that wylle\ntruly behaue hym self in his werkis to be suspecyous/ And also they\nought to be stronge and seure in theyr werkes/ And specyally they that\nben maysters and maronners on the see/ for yf they be tumerous and\nferdfull they shold make a ferde them that ben in theyr shippis/ that\nknowe not the paryls/ And so hit might happene that by that drede and\nfere alle men shold leue theyr labour/ And so they myght be perisshid\nand despeyred in theyr corages/ For a shippe is soone perisshid and lost\nby a lityll tempest/ whan the gouernour faylleth to gouerne his shippe\nfor drede/ And can gyue no counceyll to other than it is no meruayll/\nthangh they be a ferd that ben in his gouernance/ And therfore ought be\nin them strengthe force and corage/ and ought to considere the peryls\nthat might falle/ And the gouernour specially ought not to doubte/ And\nif hit happen that ony paryll falle/ he ought to promyse to the other\ngood hoope/ And hit apperteyneth well/ that a man of good and hardy\ncorage be sette in that office/ In suche wyse that he haue ferme and\nseure mynde ayenst the paryls that oftetymes happen in the see/ and with\nthis ought the maroners haue good and ferme creance and beleue in god/\nand to be of good reconforte & of fayr langage vnto them that he\ngouerneth in suche paryls/ And this sufficeth to yow as touchynge the\nlabourers.\n[Illustration]\n_The thirde chapitre of the thirde book treteth of the office of\nnotaryes aduocats skryueners and drapers or clothmakers_.\nThe thirde pawne whiche is sette to fore the Alphyn on the right side\nought to be figured as a clerk And hit is reson that he shold so be/ For\nas moche as amonge y'e comon peple of whom we speke in thys book they\nplete the differencis contencions and causes otherwhile the whiche\nbehoueth the Alphins to gyue sentence and Iuge as Iuges And hit is reson\nthat the Alphin or Iuge haue his notarye/ by whom y'e processe may be\nwreton/ And this pawne ought to be made and figured in this mamere/ he\nmuste be made like a man that holdeth in his right hand a pair of sheres\nor forcetis/ and in the lifte hand a grete knyf and on his gurdell a\npenuer and an ynkhorn/ and on his eere a penne to wryte wyth And that\nben the Instrumentis & the offices that ben made and put in writynge\nautentyque/ and ought to haue passed to fore the Iuges as libelles\nwrittes condempnacions and sentences/ And that is signefied by the\nscriptoire and the penne and on that other part hit appertayneth to them\nto cutte cloth. shere. dighte. and dye/ and that is signefied by the\nforcettis or sheres/ and the other ought to shaue berdes and kembe the\nheeris/ And the other ben coupers. coryers. tawiers. skynners. bouchers\nand cordwanners/ and these ben signefyed by the knyf that he holdeth in\nhis hand and some of thise forsayd crafty men ben named drapers or\nclothmakers for so moche as they werke wyth wolle. and the Notayres.\nskynners. coryours. and cardewaners werke by skynnes and hydes/ As\nparchemyn velume. peltrye and cordewan/ And the Tayllours. cutters of\ncloth, weuars. fullars. dyers/ And many other craftes ocupye and vse\nwulle/ And alle thyse crafty men & many other that I haue not named/\nought to doo theyr craft and mestyer/ where as they ben duly ordeyned\nCuryously and truly/ Also ther ought to be amonge thyse crafty men\namyable companye and trewe/ honest contenance/ And trouthe in their\nwordes/ And hit is to wete that the notaries ben right prouffitable and\nought to be good & trewe for the comyn And they ought to kepe them fro\nappropriynge to themself that thynge y't apperteyneth to the comyn And\nyf they be good to them self/ they ben good to other. And yf they be\neuyll for themself/ they ben euyll for other And the processes that ben\nmade to fore the Iuges ought to ben wreton & passid by them/ and hit is\nto wete that by their writynge in the processis may come moche prouffit\nAnd also yf they wryte otherwyse than they ought to doo/ may ensewe\nmoche harme and domage to the comyn Therfore ought they to take good\nheede that they change not ne corrumpe in no wyse the content of the\nsentence. For than ben they first forsworn And ben bounden to make\namendes to them that by theyr tricherye they haue endomaged/ And also\nought they to rede visite and to knowe the statutes. ordenances and the\nlawes of the cytees of the contre/ where they dwelle and enhabite/ And\nthey ought to considere yf ther be ony thynge therein conteyned ayenst\nright and reson/ and yf they fynde ony thinge contraire/ they ought to\nadmoneste and warne them that gouerne/ that suche thynges may be chauged\ninto better astate/ For custome establisshid ayenst good maners and\nagaynst the fayth/ ought not to be holden by right. For as hit is sayd\nin the decree in the chapitre to fore/ alle ordenance made ayenst ryght\nought to be holden for nought Alas who is now that aduocate or notaire\nthat hath charge to wryte and kepe sentence that putteth his entente to\nkepe more the comyn prouffit or as moche as his owen/ But alle drede of\ngod is put a back/ and they deceyue the symple men And drawen them to\nthe courtes disordinatly and constrayned them to swere and make othes\nnot couenable/ And in assemblyng the peple thus to gyder they make moo\ntraysons in the cytees than they make good alyances And otherwhile they\ndeceyue their souerayns/ whan they may doo hit couertly For ther is no\nthynge at this day that so moche greueth rome and Italye as doth the\ncollege of notaries and aduocates publicque For they ben not of oon a\ncorde/ Alas and in Engeland what hurte doon the aduocats. men of lawe.\nAnd attorneyes of court to the comyn peple of y'e royame as well in the\nspirituell lawe as in the temporall/ how torne they the lawe and\nstatutes at their pleasir/ how ete they the peple/ how enpouere they the\ncomynte/ I suppose that in alle Cristendom ar not so many pletars\nattorneys and men of the lawe as ben in englond onely/ for yf they were\nnombrid all that lange to the courtes of the channcery kinges benche.\ncomyn place. cheker. ressayt and helle And the bagge berars of the same/\nhit shold amounte to a grete multitude And how alle thyse lyue & of\nwhome. yf hit shold be vttrid & told/ hit shold not be beleuyd. For they\nentende to theyr synguler wele and prouffyt and not to the comyn/ how\nwell they ought to be of good wyll to gyder/ and admoneste and warne the\ncytes eche in his right in suche wise that they myght haue pees and loue\none with an other And tullius saith that frendshippe and good wyll that\none ought to haue ayenst an other for the wele of hym that he loueth/\nwyth the semblable wylle of hym/ ought to be put forth to fore alle\nother thynges/ And ther is no thynge so resemblynge and lyke to the bees\nthat maken honye ne so couenable in prosperite and in aduersite as is\nloue/ For by loue gladly the bees holden them to gyder/ And yf ony\ntrespace to that other anone they renne vpon the malefactour for to\npunysshe hym/ And verray trewe loue faylleth neuer for wele ne for\neuyll/ and the most swete and the most confortynge thynge is for to haue\na frende to whom a man may saye his secrete/ as well as to hym self/ But\nverayly amytye and frendship is somtyme founded vpon som thinge\ndelectable And this amytye cometh of yongthe/ in the whiche dwelleth a\ndisordinate heete.\nAnd otherwhile amytie is founded vpon honeste/ And this amytie is\nvertuouse/ Of the whiche tullius faith y't ther is an amytie vertuous by\nthe whiche a man ought to do to his frende alle that he requyreth by\nrayson For for to do to hym a thynge dishonneste it is ayenst the nature\nof verray frendshipe & amytie/ And thus for frendshipe ne for fauour a\nman ought not to doo ony thinge vnresonable ayenst the comyn prouffit\nner agaynst his fayth ne ayenst his oth/ for yf alle tho thynges that\nthe frendes desire and requyre were accomplisshid & doon/ hit shold seme\nthat they shold be dishoneste coniuracions/ And they myght otherwhile\nmore greue & hurte than prouffit and ayde/ And herof sayth seneque that\namytie is of suche wylle as the frende wylle/ And to reffuse that ought\nto be reffusid by rayson/ And yet he sayth more, that a man ought to\nalowe and preyse his frende to fore the peple/ and to correcte and to\nchastyse hym pryuyly. For the lawe of amytie is suche For a man ought\nnot to demande ner doo to be doon to his frende no vyllayns thynge that\nought to be kept secrete And valerian sayth that it is a fowll thynge\nand an euyll excufacion/ yf a man conffesse that he hath done ony euyll\nfor his frende ayenst right and rayson/ And sayth that ther was a good\nman named Taffile whiche herde one his frende requyre of hym a thynge\ndishonnefte whiche he denyed and wold not doo And than his frende sayth\nto hym in grete dispyte/ what nede haue I of thy frendship & amytie whan\nthou wylt not doo that thynge that I requyre of the And Taffile answerd\nto hym/ what nede haue I of the frendship and of the amytie of the/ yf I\nshold doo for the thynge dishonefte And thus loue is founded otherwhile\nvpon good prouffitable/ and this loue endureth as longe as he seeth his\nprouffit And herof men faye a comyn prouerbe in england/ that loue\nlasteth as longe as the money endureth/ and whan the money faylleth than\nthere is no loue/ and varro reherceth in his smmes/ that y' riche men\nben alle louyd by this loue/ for their frendes ben lyke as y'e huse\nwhiche is aboute the grayn/ and no man may proue his frende so well as\nin aduersite/ or whan he is poure/ for the veray trewe frende faylleth\nat no nede/ And seneque saith y't some folowe the empour for riches/ and\nso doon y'e flies the hony for the swetenes/ and the wolf the karayn And\nthise companye folowe the proye/ and not the man And tullius saith that\nTarquyn y'e proude had a neuewe of his suster which was named brutus/ and\nthis neuewe had banysshid tarquyn out of rome and had sente hym in\nexyle/ And than sayd he first that he parceyuyd & knewe his frendes\nwhiche were trewe & untrewe/ and y't he neuer perceyuyd a fore tyme whan\nhe was puyssant for to doo their wyll/ and sayd well that the loue that\nthey had to hym/ endured not but as longe as it was to them\nprouffitable/ and therfore ought till the ryche men of the world take\nhede/ be they Kynges Prynces or ducs to what peple they doo prouffit &\nhow they may and ought be louyd of theyr peple/ For cathon sayth in his\nbook/ see to whom thougyuyst/ and this loue whiche is founded vpon theyr\nprouffit/ whiche faylleth and endureth not/ may better be callyd and\nsaid marchandyse than loue/ For yf we repute this loue to our prouffit\nonly/ and nothynge to the prouffyt of hym that we loue/ It is more\nmarchandyse than loue/ For he byeth our loue for the prouffit that he\ndoth to vs/ and therfor saith the versifier thise two versis Tempore\nfelici multi murmerantur amici Cum fortuna perit nullus amicus erit/\nwhiche is to saye in English that as longe as a man is ewrous and\nfortunat he hath many frendes but whan fortune torneth and perisshith,\nther abideth not to hym one frende/ And of this loue ben louyd the\nmedowes, feldes, Trees and the bestes for the prouffit that men take of\nthem/ But the loue of the men ought to be charyte, veray gracious and\npure by good fayth/ And the veray trewe frendes ben knowen in pure\naduersite/ and pers alphons saith in his book of moralite that ther was\na philosophre in arabye that had an onely sone/ of whom he demanded what\nfrendes he had goten hym in his lyf. And he answerd that he had many And\nhis fader sayd to hym/ I am an olde man/ And yet coude I neuer fynde but\none frende in alle my lyf/ And I trowe verily that it is no lytyll\nthynge for to haue a frende/ and hit is well gretter and more a man to\nhaue many/ And hit appertayneth and behoueth a man to assaye and preue\nhis frende er he haue nede And than comanded the philosopher his sone/\nthat he shold goo and slee a swyne/ and putte hit in a sack/ and fayne\nthat hit were a man dede that he had slayn and bere hit to his frendes\nfor to burye hit secretly/ And whan the sone had don as his fader\ncomanded to hym and had requyred his frendes one after an other as a\nfore is sayd/ They denyed hym/ And answerd to hym that he was a vylayne\nto requyre & desire of them thynge that was so peryllous And than he cam\nagayn to his fader and sayd to hym how he had requyred alle his frendes/\nAnd that he had not founden one that wolde helpe hym in his nede And\nthan his fader said to hym that he shold goo and requyre his frende\nwhiche had but one/ and requyre hym that he shold helpe hym in his nede\nAnd whan he had requyred hym/ Anone he put oute alle his mayne oute of\nhis hows/ And whan they were oute of the waye or a slepe he dide do make\nsecretly a pytte in the grounde/ And whan hyt was redy and wold haue\nburyed the body/ he fonde hit an hogge or a swyne and not a man/ And\nthus thys sone preuyd thys man to be a veray trewe frende of his fader/\nAnd preuyd that his frendes were fals frendes of fortune/ And yet\nreherceth the sayd piers Alphons/ That ther were two marchantes one of\nBandach and that other of Egipte whiche were so Joyned to gyder by so\ngrete frendshippe that he of Bandach cam on a tyme for to see hys frende\nin Egipte/ of whom he was receyuyd ryght honourably And thys marchant of\nEgipte had in his hows a fayr yonge mayden whom he shold haue had in\nmaryage to hymslf/ Of the whiche mayde thys marchant of Bandach was\nesrysd wyth her loue so ardantly that he was ryght seeke/ And that men\nsupposid hym to dye. And than the other dyde doo come the phisicyens\nwhiche sayd that in hym was none other sekenes sauf passyon of loue/\nThan he axid of the seeke man yf ther wer ony woman in hys hows that he\nlouyd and made alle the women of his hows to come to fore hym/ And than\nhe chees her that shold haue ben that others wyf and sayd that he was\nseek for the loue of her/ Than hys frende sayd to hym Frende conforte\nyour self/ For trewly I gyue her to yow to wyf wyth alle the dowayre\nthat is gyuen to me wyth her/ And had leuer to suffre to be wyth oute\nwyf than to lese the body of his frende And than he of Bandach wedded\nthe mayde. And wente wyth his wyf and wyth his richesse ayen in to his\ncontrey And after this anone after hit happend that the marcha[=n]t of\nEgipte be cam so poure by euyll fortune/ that he was constrayned to\nfeche and begge his brede by the contrey in so moche that he cam to\nbandach. And whan he entrid in to the toun hit was derke nyght that he\ncoude not fynde the hows of his frende/ but wente and laye this nyght in\nan olde temple/ And on the morn whan he shold yssue oute of the temple/\nthe officers of the toun arestid hym and sayd that he was an homycide\nand had slayn a man whiche laye there dede And an[=o]n he confessid hit\nwyth a good wylle/ And had leuyr to ben hangid/ than to dye in that\nmyserable and poure lyf that he suffrid And thus whan he was brought to\nIugement And sentence shold haue ben gyuen ayenst hym as an homicide/\nhis frende of bandach cam and sawe hym and anone knewe y't this was his\ngood frende of Egipte And forthwyth stept in and sayde that he hymself\nwas culpable of the deth of this man/ and not that other/ and enforced\nhym in alle maners for to delyuer and excuse that other/ And than whan\nthat he that had don the feet and had slayn the man sawe this thynge/ he\nconsiderid in hym sels that these two men were Innocente. of this feet/\nAnd doubtynge the dyuyn Iugement he cam to fore the Iuge and confessid\nalle the feet by ordre/ And whan the Iuge sawe and herd alle this mater/\nand also the causes he considerid the ferme and trewe loue that was\nbetwene the two frendes And vnderstode the cause why that one wold saue\nthat other/ and the trouth of the fayte of the homicide And than he\npardoned alle the feet hoolly and entierly/ and after the marchant of\nbandach brought hym of egipte wyth hym in to his hous/ and gaf to hym\nhis suster in mariage/ and departid to hym half his goodes/ And so bothe\nof hem were riche/ And thus were they bothe veray faythfull and trewe\nfrendes/ Furthermore Notaires. men of lawe and crafty men shold and\nought to loue eche other And also ought to be contynent chaste &\nhoneste/ For by theyr craftes they ought so to be by necessite/ For they\nconuerse & accompanye them ofte tyme with women And therfor hit\napperteyneth to them to be chaste and honeste And that they meue not the\nwomen ner entyse them to lawhe/ and Iape by ony disordinate ensignees or\ntokens/ Titus liuyus reherceth that the philosopher democreon dyde do\nput oute his eyen for as moche as he myght not beholde the women wyth\noute flesshely desire/ And how well hit is said before that he dide hit\nfor other certayn cause yet was this one of the pryncipall causes/ And\nValerian telleth that ther was a yonge man of rome of ryght excellent\nbeaute/ And how well that he was ryght chaste/ For as moche as his\nbeaute meuyd many women to desyre hym/ in so moche that he vnderstode\nthat the parents and frendes of them had suspecion in hym/ he dyde his\nvisage to be cutte wyth a knyf and lancettis endlonge and ouerthwart for\nto deforme his visage/ And had leuer haue a fowle visage and disformed/\nthan the beaute of hys visage shold meue other to synne/ And also we\nrede that ther was a Nonne a virgyne dyde do put oute bothe her eyen For\nas moche as the beaute of her eyen meuyd a kynge to loue her/ whyche\neyen she sente to the kynge in a presente/ And also we rede that plato\nthe ryght ryche and wyse phylosophre lefte hys owne lande and Contre.\nAnd cheese his mansion and dwellynge in achadomye a town/ whiche was not\nonly destroyed but also was full of pestelence/ so that by the cure and\ncharge and customance of sorowe that be there suffrid/ myght eschewe the\nheetes and occasions of lecherye/ And many of his disciples dyde in lyke\nwyse/ Helemand reherceth that demostenes the philosopher lay ones by a\nright noble woman for his disporte/ and playnge with her he demanded of\nher what he shold gyue to haue to doo wyth her/ And she answerd to hym/\na thousand pens/ and he sayd agayn to her I shold repente me to bye hit\nso dere/ And whan he aduysed hym that he was so sore chauffid to speke\nto her for tacc[=o]plissh his flesshely defire/ he dispoyled hym alle\nnaked and wente and putte hym in the middes of the snowe And ouide\nreherceth that this thynge is the leste that maye helpe and moste greue\nthe louers And therfore saynt Augustyn reherceth in his book de Ciuitate\ndei that ther was a ryght noble romayne named merculian that wan and\ntoke the noble cyte of siracuse And to fore er he dyde do assaylle hit\nor befyghte hit/ and er he had do be shedde ony blood/ he wepte and\nshedde many teeris to fore the cyte And that was for the cause that he\ndoubted that his peple shold defoyle and corrumpe to moche dishonestly\nthe chastyte of the toun And ordeyned vpon payne of deth that no man\nshold be so hardy to take and defoylle ony woman by force what that euer\nshe were/ After this the craftymen ought to vnderstond for to be trewe/\nand to haue trouthe in her mouthes And that theyr dedes folowe theyr\nwordes For he that sayth one thynge and doth another/ he condempneth\nhymself by his word Also they ought to see well to that they be of one\nAcorde in good, by entente, by word, and by dede/ so that they ben not\ndiscordant in no caas/ But euery man haue pure veryte and trouth in hym\nself/ For god hym self is pure verite/ And men say comynly that trouthe\nseketh none hernes ne corners/ And trouthe is a vertu by the whyche alle\ndrede and fraude is put away/ Men saye truly whan they saye that they\nknowe/ And they that knowe not trouthe/ ought to knowe hit/ And alleway\nvse trouthe/ For Saynt Austyn sayth that they that wene to knowe\ntrouthe/ And lyuyth euyll & viciously It is folye yf he knoweth hit not/\nAnd also he sayth in an other place that it is better to suffre peyne\nfor trouthe. Than for to haue a benefete by falsenes or by flaterye. And\nman that is callyd a beste resonable and doth not his werkes after reson\nand trouthe/ Is more bestyall than ony beste brute/ And knowe y'e that\nfor to come to the trouthe/ Hit cometh of a raysonable forsight in his\nmynde/ And lyenge cometh of an outrageous and contrarye thought in his\nmynde/ For he that lyeth wetyngly/ Knoweth well that hit is agaynst the\ntrouthe that he thynketh/ And herof speketh Saynt Bernard and sayth/\nThat the mouthe that lyeth destroyeth the sowle/ And yet sayth Saynt\nAustyn in an other place For to saye ony thynge/ And to doo the\ncontrarye. maketh doctryne suspecious/ And knowe y'e veryly that for to\nlye is a right perillous thynge to body and sowle For the lye that the\nauncyent enemye made Eue & adam to beleue hym/ made hem for to be\ndampned wyth alle theyr lignage to the deth pardurable And made hem to\nbe cast oute of Paradyse terrestre/ For he made them to beleue that god\nhad not forboden them the fruyt. But only be cause they shold not knowe\nthat her maister knewe But how well that the deuyll said thise wordes\nyet had she double entente to hem bothe For they knewe ann as they had\ntasted of the fruyt that they were dampned to the deth pardurable/ And\ngod knewe it well to fore But they supposid well to haue knowen many\nother thynges And to belyke vnto his knowleche and science And therfor\nfayth saynt poule in a pistyll/ hit ne apperteyneth to saure or knowe\nmore than behoueth to saure or knowe/ but to fauoure or knowe by mesure\nor fobrenes/ And valerian reherceth that ther was a good woman of\nsiracusane that wold not lye vnto the kynge of *ecylle whiche was named\ndyonyse And this kynge was so full of tyrannye & so cruell that alle the\nworld defired his deth and cursid hym/ Saauf this woman onely whiche was\nso olde that she had seen thre or .iiii. kynges regnynge in the contre/\nAnd euery mornynge as sone as she was rysen she prayd to god that he\nwold gyue vnto the tyrant good lyf and longe And that she myght neuer\nsee his deth/ And when the kynge dyonise knewe this he sent for her And\nmeruayllid moche herof For he knewe well that he was fore behated/ And\ndemaunded her/ what cause meuyd her to pray for hym. And she answerd and\nsaid to hym Syre whan I was a mayde we had a right euyll tyrant to our\nkynge of whom we coueyted fore the deth And whan he was ded ther cam\nafter hym a worse/ of whom we coueyted also the deth/ And whan we were\ndeliueryd of hym/ thou camst to be our lord whiche arte worste of alle\nother. And now I doubte yf we haue one after the he shall be worse than\nthou art/ And therfore I shall pray for the And whan dionyse vnderstod\nthat she was so hardy in sayynge the truthe/ he durste not doo tormente\nher for shame be cause she was so olde.\n[Illustration]\n_The fourth chapitre of the thirde book treteth of the maner of the\nfourth pawn and of the marchants or changers._\nThe fourth pawn is sette to for the kynge And is formed in the fourme of\na man holding in his ryght hand a balance/ And the weyght in the lifte\nhand/ And to fore hym a table And at his gurdell a purse fulle of monoye\nredy for to gyue to them that requyre hit And by this peple ben\nsignefied the marchans of cloth lynnen and wollen & of all other\nmarchandises And by the table that is to for hym is signefied y'e\nchangeurs/ And they that lene money/ And they that bye & selle by the\nweyght ben signefyed by the balances and weight And the customers.\ntollers/ and resseyuours of rentes & of money ben signefied by the purse\nAnd knowe y'e that alle they that ben signefied by this peple ought to\nflee auaryce and couetyse/ And eschewe brekynge of the dayes of\npayement/ And ought to holde and kepe theyr promyssis/ And ought also to\nrendre & restore y't/ that is gyuen to them to kepe/ And therfor hit is\nreson that this peple be sette to for y'e kynge/ for as moche as they\nsignefie the resseyuours of the tresours royall that ought all way to be\nredy to fore y'e kynge/ and to answere for hym to the knightes and other\npersones for their wages & souldyes And therfore haue I sayd that they\nought to flee auarice. For auarice is as moche to say as an adourer or\nas worshipar of fals ymages/ & herof saith Tullius that auarice is a\ncouetise to gete y't thing that is aboue necessite/ & it is a loue\ndisordinate to haue ony thynge And it is one of the werst thyngis that\nis And specially to prynces and to them that gouerne the thynges of the\ncomunete And this vice caufeth a man to do euyll/ And this doynge euyll\nis whan hit regneth in olde men And herof saith Seneque That alle wordly\nthynges ben mortifyed and appetissid in olde men reserued auaryce only/\nwhiche alleway abideth wyth hym and dyeth wyth hym But I vnderstande not\nwell the cause wherof this cometh ne wherfore hit may be And hit is a\nfowle thynge and contrarie to reson That whan a man is at ende of his\nIourney for to lengthe his viage and to ordeyne more vitayll than hym\nbehoueth And this may well be lykened to the auarycious wolf For the\nwolf doth neuer good tyll he be dede And thus it is sayd in the\nprouerbis of the wisemen/ that thauaricious man doth no good tyll that\nhe be ded/ And he desireth no thynge but to lyue longe in this synne For\nthe couetouse man certaynly is not good for ony thynge For he is euyll\nto hymself and to the riche and to the poure. And fynde cause to gayn\nsaye theyr desire/ and herof reherceth seneque and sayth that Antigonus\nwas a couetous prynce/ & whan Tinque whiche was his frende requyred of\nhym a besa[=u]t/ he answerd to hym that he demanded more than hit\napperteyned to hym And than tinque constrayned by grete necessite axid\nand requyred of hym a peny/ And he answerd to hym that hit was no yefte\ncouenable for a kynge and so he was allway redy to fynde a cause nought\nto gyue For he myght haue gyuen to hym a besa[=u]t as a kynge to his\nfrende/ And the peny as to a poure man And ther is no thynge so lytyll/\nbut that the humanyte of a kynge may gyue hit Auarice full of couetyse\nis a maner of alle vices of luxurye And Josephus reherceth in the book\nof auncyent histories/ that ther was in rome a ryght noble lady named\nPaulyne/ And was of the most noble of rome/ right honeste for the\nnoblesse of chastete/ whiche was maryed in the tyme that the women\ngloryfied them in theyr chastete vnto a yonge man fayr. noble. and riche\naboue alle other/ and was lyke and semblable to his wyf in alle caasis/\nAnd this paulyne was belouyd of a knight named emmerancian And was so\nardautly esprysed in her loue that he sente to her many right riche\nyeftes/ And made to her many grete promissis/ but he might neuer torne\nthe herte of her whiche was on her side also colde and harde as marbill\nBut had leuer to reffuse his yeftes and his promisses. Than to entende\nto couetise & to lose her chastete/ and we rede also in the historyes of\nrome that ther was a noble lady of rome/ whiche lyuyd a solitarye lyf\nand was chaste & honeste/ And had gadrid to gyder a grete some of gold/\nAnd had hid hit in the erthe in a pytte wyth in her hous/ And whan she\nwas ded/ the bisshop dyde do burye her in the churche well and honestly/\nAnd anone after this gold was founden & born to the bisshop/ And the\nbisshop had to caste hit in to the pytte wher she was buryed. And .iii.\ndayes men herd her crye & make grete noyse/ and saye that she brennyd in\ngrete payne/ and they herd her ofte tymes thus tormentid in y'e chirche/\nthe neighbours wente to the bisshop & told hym therof/ and y'e bisshop\ngaf hem leue to open the sepulcre/ and whan they had opend hit/ they\nfonde all the gold molten with fyre full of sulphre/ And was poured and\nput in her mouth/ and they herd one saye/ thou desiredest this gold by\ncouetyse take hit and drynke hit/ And than they toke the body out of the\ntombe And hit was cast oute in a preuy place Seneque reherceth in the\nbook of the cryes of women that auarice is foundement of alle vices/ And\nvalerian reherceth that auarice is a ferdfull garde or kepar of\nrychessis for he that hath on hym or in his kepynge moche money or other\nrychessis/ is allway a ferd to lose hit or to be robbid or to be slayn\ntherfore/ And he is not ewrous ner happy that by couetyse geteth hit/\nAnd alle the euyllys of this vice of auarice had a man of rome named\nseptemulle For he was a frende of one named tarchus And this septemulle\nbrente so sore and so cruelly in this synne of couetyse/ that he had no\nshame to smyte of the hede of his frende by trayson/ For as moche as one\nframosian had promysed to hym as moche weyght of pure gold as the heed\nweyed And he bare the sayd heed vpon a staf thurgh the cyte of rome/ and\nhe wyded the brayn out therof and fyld hit full of leed for to weye the\nheuyer This was a right horrible and cruell auarice Ptolome kynge of the\nEgipciens poursewed auarice in an other manere For whan anthonie\nemperour of rome sawe that he was right riche of gold and siluer/ he had\nhym in grete hate and tormentid hym right cruelly And whan he shold\nperishe be cause of his richessis/ he toke alle his hauoyr and put hit\nin a shippe And wente wyth alle in to the hye see to thende for to\ndrowne and perishe there the shippe and his rychesses be cause Anthonie\nhis enemye shold not haue hit/ And whan he was there he durst not\nperisshe hit ner myght not fynde in his herte to departe from hit/ but\ncam and brought hit agayn in to his hows where he resseyuyd the reward\nof deth therfore. And wyth oute doubte he was not lord of the richesse\nbut the richesse was lady ouer hym/ And therfore hit is sayd in prouerbe\nthat a man ought to seignorye ouer the riches/ and not for to serue hit/\nand yf thou canst dewly vse thy rychesse than she is thy chamberyer/ And\nyf thou can not departe from hit and vse hit honestly at thy playsir/\nknowe verily y't she is thy lady For the richesse neuer satisfieth the\ncouetouse/ but the more he hath/ the more he desireth/ And saluste sayth\nthat auarice distourblith fayth poeste honeste and alle these other good\nvertues/ And taketh for these vertues pryde. cruelte. And to forgete\ngod/ And saith that alle thynges be vendable And after this they ought\nto be ware that they leue not to moche/ ner make so grete creances by\nwhich they may falle in pouerte/ For saynt Ambrose saith upon tobye.\npouerte hath no lawe/ for to owe hit is a shame/ & to owe and not paye\nis a more shame/ yf y'u be poure beware how thou borowest/ and thinke\nhow thou maist paye & rendre agayn yf y'u be ryche y'u hast none nede to\nborowe & axe/ & it is said in the prouerbes y't hit is fraude to take/\nthat y'u wilt not ner maist rendre & paye agayn/ and also hit is said in\nreproche/ whan I leue I am thy frend/ & whan I axe I am thy enemye/ as\nwo saith/ god at the lenynge/ & the deuyll at rendrynge/ And seneque\nsayth in his au[*c]torites/ that they y't gladly borowe/ ought gladly to\npaye/ and ought to surmonte in corage to loue hem the better be cause\nthey leue hem & ayde hem in her nede/ For for benefetes & good tornes\ndoon to a man ought to gyue hym thankinges therfore/ And moche more\nought a man to repaye that Is lente hym in his nede/ But now in these\ndayes many men by lenynge of their money haue made of their frendes\nenemyes/ And herof speketh Domas the philosopher and sayth that my\nfrende borowed money of me/ And I haue lost my frende and my money\nattones/ Ther was a marchant of Gene & also a chaungeour/ whos name was\nAlbert gauor/ And this albert was a man of grete trouth and loyaulte/\nfor on a tyme ther was a man cam to hym and said & affermed that he had\ndelyueryd in to his banke .v. honderd floryns of gold to kepe whiche was\nnot trouth for he lyed/ whyche fyue honderd floryns the said Albert\nknewe not of/ ner coude fynde in all hys bookes ony suche money to hym\ndue And this lyar coude not brynge no wytnessis/ but began to braye.\ncrye and deffame the said albert And than this Albert callid to hym this\nmarcha[=u]t and sayd/ Dere frende take here v. honderd florins whyche\nthou affermest and sayst that thou hast deliuerid to me And forthwyth\ntolde hem and toke hem to hym And lo this good man had leuer to lose his\ngood than his good name and renome And this other marchant toke these\nflorins that he had wrongfully receyuyd/ and enployed them in diuerce\nmarchandise in so moche that he gate and encresid and wan with them .xv.\nthousand florins And whan he sawe that he approchid toward his deth/ and\nthat he had no children He establisshid albert his heyr in alle thingis\nAnd sayd that with the .v. honderd florins that he had receyuyd of\nalbert falsely/ he had goten all y't he had in the world And thus by\ndyuyne pourueance he that had be a theef fraudelent/ was made afterward\na trewe procurour and attorney of the sayd albert/ But now in this dayes\nther ben marcha[=u]s that do marchandise with other mens money whiche is\ntaken to hem to kepe/ And whan they ben requyred to repaye hit they haue\nno shame to denye hit appertly/ wherof hit happend that ther was a\nmarchant whyche had a good & grete name and renome of kepynge well suche\nthynges as was delyueryd to hym to kepe/ But whan he sawe place and\ntyme/ he reteynyd hyt lyke a theef/ So hyt befelle that a marchant of\nwithoute forth herd the good reporte & fame of this man/ cam to hym and\ndeliuerid hym grete tresour to kepe/ And this tresour abode thre yer in\nhis kepynge. And after this thre yer thys marchant cam & requyred to\nhaue hys good deliueryd to hym agaym/ And thys man knewe well that he\nhad no recorde ne wytnes to preue on hym this duete/ Nor he had no\nobligacion ne wrytynge of hym therof/ In suche wyse that he denyed alle\nentyerly/ And sayd playnly he knewe hym not. And whan thys good man\nherde and vnderstode thys. he wente sorowfully and wepynge from hym so\nferre and longe that an old woman mette wyth hym/ And demanded of hym\nthe cause of hys wepynge/ And he sayd to her/ woman hit apperteyneth no\nthynge to the Go thy way/ And she prayd hym that he wold telle her the\ncause of hys sorowe/ For parauenture she myght gyue hym counceylle good\nand prouffytable. And than this man told to her by ordre the caas of his\nfortune/ And the old woman that was wyse & subtyll demanded of hym yf he\nhad in that cyte ony frende whiche wold be faythfull and trewe to hym\nAnd he sayd y'e that he had dyuerce frendes/ Than said she goo thou to\nthem and saye to them that they do ordeyne and bye dyuerce cofres &\nchestis/ And that they do fylle them with som olde thinges of no value/\nand that they fayne And saye that they be full of gold, siluer & other\nIewels and of moche grete tresour/ And than that they brynge them to\nthis sayd marchant And to saye to hym that he wold kepe them/ For as\nmoche as they had grete trust and affiance in hym And also that they\nhaue herd of his grete trouthe and good renome/ And also they wold goo\nin to a fer contre And shold be longe er they retorned agayn And whilis\nthey speke to hym of this mater/ thou shalt come vpon them and requyre\nhym that he do deliuere to the/ that thou tokest to hym/ And I trowe be\ncause of tho good men that than shall profre to hym the sayd tresour/\nAnd for the couetise to haue hit/ he shall deliuere to the thy good\nagayn/ But beware late hym not knowe in no wyse that they ben thy\nfrendes ner of thy knowleche This was a grete and good co[=u]ceyll of a\nwoman And verily hit cometh of nature oftentymes to women to gyue\ncounceyll shortly and vnauysedly to thynges that ben in doute or\nperillous and nedeth hasty remedye/ And as y'e haue herd/ this good man\ndyde And dyde after her counceyll And cam vpon them whan they spack of\nthe mater to the marchant for to deliuere to hym the sayd cofres to kepe\nwhyche his frendes had fayned and requyred of hym that he had taken to\nhym to kepe/ and than an[=o]n the sayd marchant sayd to hym I knowe the\nnow well. For I haue auysed me that thou art suche a man/ And camst to\nme suche a tyme/ And deliuerest to me suche a thynge whiche I haue well\nkept/ And than callyd his clerck/ and bad hym goo fecche suche a thynge\nin suche a place/ and deliuere hit to that good man For he deliuerid hit\nto me/ And than the good man receyuyd his good. And wente his way right\nIoyously and gladd/ And this marchant trycheur and deceyuour was\ndefrauded from his euyll malice/ And he ne had neyther that one ne that\nother ony thynge that was of value/ And therfore hit Is sayd in prouerbe\nto defraude the beguylar is no fraude/ And he that doth well foloweth\noure lord And seneke faith that charyte enseygneth and techeth that men\nshold paye well For good payement is sometyme good confession/ And this\nmarchant trycheour & deceyuour resembleth & Is lyke to an hound that\nbereth a chese in his mouth whan he swymmeth ouer a watre For whan he is\non the watre He seeth the shadowe of the chese in the watre/ And than he\nweneth hit be an other chese/ And for couetyse to haue that/ he openth\nhis mouth to cacche that/ And than the chese that he bare fallyth doun\nin to the watre/ And thus he loseth bothe two/ And in the same wise was\nseruyd this marchant deceyuour/ For for to haue the coffres/ whiche he\nhad not seen/ He deliueryd agayn that he wold haue holden wrongfully &\nthus by his couetise and propre malice he was deceyuyd/ And therfore hit\napperteyneth to euery good & wyse man to knowe & considere in hym self\nhow moche he had resseyuyd of other men/ And vpon what condicion hit was\ndeliuerid to hym And hit is to wete y't this thinge apperteyneth to\nresseyuours & to chaungeours And to alle true marchans and other what\nsom euyr they bee/ and ought to kepe their bookes of resaytes & of\npayements of whom & to whom and what tyme & day. and yf y'e demande what\nthynge makyth them to forgete suche thynges as ben taken to them to kepe\nI answere & saye that hyt Is grete couetyse for to haue tho thynges to\nthemself and neuer to departe from them/ And it is all her thought and\ndesire to assemble alle the good that they may gete For they beleue on\nnone other god/ but on her richessis theyr hertes ben so obstynat/ and\nthis sufficeth of the marchantes.\n[Illustration]\n_This fifth chapitre of the thirde book treteh of phisiciens spicers and\nApotyquarys._\nThe paw[=o]n that is sette to fore the quene signefyeth the phisicyen/\nspicer and Apotyquaire/ and is formed in the figure of a man/ And he is\nsette in a chayer as a maystre and holdeth in his right hand a book/ And\nan ample or a boxe wyth oynementis in his lyft hand/ And at his gurdell\nhis Instrumentis of yron and of siluer for to make Incysions and to\nserche woundes and hurtes/ and to cutte apostumes/ And by thyse thynges\nben knowen the cyrurgyens/ By the book ben vnderstanden the phisicyens/\nand alle gramaryens. logicyens/ maistres of lawe. of Geometrye.\nArismetryque. musique and of astronomye/ And by the ampole/ ben\nsignefyed the makers of pigmentaries spicers and apotiquayres/ and they\nthat make confections and confytes and medecynes made wyth precyous\nspyces And by the ferremens and Intrumentis that hangen on the gurdell\nben signefied the cyrurgyens & the maistres And knowe y'e for certain\nthat a maystre & phisicyen ought to knowe the proporcions of lettres of\ngramayre/ the monemens the conclusions and the sophyms of logyque. the\ngracio'9 speche and vtterance of rethorique/ the mesures of the houres\nand dayes/ and of the cours and astronomye/ the nombre of arsmetryk/ &\nthe Ioyous songes of musyque And of all thyse tofore named/ the maistres\nof rethorique ben the chyef maistres in speculatyf/ And the two laste\nthat ben practisiens and werkers ben callyd phisicyens and cyrurgyens/\nhow well they ben sage and curyous in thyse sciences/ And how well that\nmannes lyf is otherwhile put in thordonance of the phisicyen or\ncyrurgyen/ yf he haue not sagesse and wysedom in hym self of dyuerce\nwrytynges and is not expert/ And medlyth hym in the craft of phisique/\nHe ought better be callyd a slear of peple than a phisicyen or\ncyrurgyen. For he may not be a maystre but yf he be seure and expert in\nthe craft of phisike that he sle not moo than he cureth and maketh\nhoole/ And therfore sayth Auycenne in an Enphormye/ yf thou curest the\nseke man. And knowest not the cause/ wherof the maladye ought to be\ncured/ Hit ought to be sayd that thou hast cured hym by fortune and\nhappe more than by ony comynge. And in alle thyse maner of peple/ Ther\nought to be meurte of good maners/ Curtoysie of wordes/ Chastite of the\nbody promysse of helthe/ And as to them that ben seke contynuell\nvisitacion of them/ And they ought to enquere the cause of theyr\nsekenessis and the sygnes and tokens of theyr maladyes/ As is rehercid\nin the bookes of the au[ct]ours by ryght grete diligence/ And specially\nin the bookes of ypocras galyene and of Auycene And whan many maysters\nand phisicyens ben assemblid to fore the pacyent or seke man/ They ought\nnot there to argue and dispute one agaynst an other/ But they ought to\nmake good and symple colacion to geder. In suche wyse as they be not\nseen in theyr desputynge one agaynst an other/ for to encroche and gete\nmore glorye of the world to them self/ than to trete the salute and\nhelthe of the pacyent and seke man/ I meruayll why that whan they fee\nand knowe that whan the seke man hath grete nede of helthe wherfore than\nthey make gretter obiection of contraryousnes for as moche as the lyf\nof man is demened and put amonge them but hit is be cause that he is\nreputed most sage and wise that argueth and bryngeth in moste subtyltes/\nAnd alle this maner is amonge doctours of lawe that treteth no thynge of\nmannes lyf. But of temporelle thynges/ that he is holden most wyse and\nbest lerned/ that by his counceyll can beste acorde the contencions and\ndiscencions of men And therfore ought the phisicyens and cyrurgyens leue\nwhan they be to fore the seke men all discencions and contrariousnes of\nwordes/ in suche wyse that hit appere that they studye more for to cure\nthe seke men than for to despute And therfore is the phisicien duly\nsette to fore the quene/ So that it is figured that he ought to haue in\nhymself chastite and contynence of body For hit apperteyneth somtyme\nvnto the phisicien to visite and cure Quenes duchesses and countesses\nand alle other ladyes and see and beholde some secrete sekenessis that\nfalle and come otherwhile in the secretis of nature And therfore hit\napperteyneth to them that they be chaste and followe honeste and\nchastite/ and that they be ensample to other of good contynence/ For\nvalerian reherceth that ypocras was of meruayllous contynence of his\nbody/ For whan he was in the scoles of Athenes/ he had by hym a ryght\nfayr woman whyche was comyn And the yonge scolers and the Ioly felaws\nthat were students promisyd to the woman a besa[=u]t/ yf she myght or\ncoude torne the corage of ypocras for to haue to doon wyth her/ And she\ncam to hym by nyght and dyde so moche by her craft that she laye wyth\nhym in his bedd/ but she coude neuer do so moche y't she myghte corrumpe\nhis chaste liuynge ne defoule the crowne of his conscience/ and whan the\nyonge men knewe that she had ben with hym all the night And coude not\nchaunge his contynence/ they began to mocque her/ And to axe and demande\nof her the besant that they had gyuen to her. And she answerd That hit\nwas holden & gaged vpon an ymage/ For as moche as she might not change\nhis contynence she callyd hym an ymage/ And in semblable wyse reherceth\nValerian of Scenocrates philosopher that ther laye with hym a woman all\nnight And tempted hym disordinatly/ but that ryght chafte man/ made\nneuer femblant to her/ Ner he neuer remeuyd from his ferme purpoos/ In\nfuche wyfe as fhe departid from hym alle confufid and fhamed/ Cornelius\nfcipion that was fent by the romayns for to gouerne fpayne/ as fone as\nhe entryd in to the caftellis & in to the townes of that lande He began\nto take away all the thynges that miht ftyre or meue his men to lecherye\nwherfore men fayd that he drof & chaced oute of the ofte moo than two\nthoufand bourdellys/ And he that was wyfe knewe well that delyte of\nlecherye corrupted and apayred the corages of tho men that ben\nabandonned to that fame delyte/ And herof hit is fayd in the fables of\nthe poetes in the first book of the Truphes of the Philofophers by\nfigure. That they that entryd in to the fontayne of the firenes or\nmermaydens/ were corrumpid and they toke them away with hem/ And alfo y'e\nought to knowe that they ought to entende diligently to the cures of the\nenfermytees in cyrugerye/ They ought to make theyr playfters acordynge\nto the woundes or fores/ yf the wounde be rounde The enplaftre muft be\nround/ and yf hyt be longe/ hyt mufte be longe/ and otherwhile hit mufte\nbe cured by his contrarye/ lyke as it apperteyneth to phifique/ For the\nhete is cured by cold/ and the colde by hete/ and Ioye by forowe/ and\nfbrowe by Ioye/ and hit happeth ofte tymes that moche peple be in grete\nparyll in takynge to moche Ioye and lefe her membris/ and become half\nbenomen in the fodayn Ioye/ And Ioye is a replection of thynge that is\ndelectable fprad a brode in all the membris with right grete gladnes And\nall men entende and desire to haue the sayd ryght grete Ioye naturelly/\nBut they knowe not what may ensue and come therof And this Ioye cometh\notherwhile of vertue of conscience/ And the wyse man is not wyth out\nthis Ioye And this Ioye is neuer Interrupt ne in deffaulte at no tyme\nFor hit cometh of nature And fortune may not take a waye that nature\ngeueth. And merciall saith that Ioyes fugitiues abide not longe But flee\naway an[=o]n And valerian reherceth that he that hath force and\nstrengthe raysonable/ hath hit of verray matier of complection and that\ncometh of loue And this Ioye hath as moche power to departe the sowle\nfro the body/ as hath the thondre/ wherof hit happend that ther was a\nwoman named lyna whiche had her husbonde in the warre in the shippis of\nthe romayns/ And she supposid verily that he was ded/ But hit happend\nthat he cam agayn home And as he entryd in to his yate/ his wif met wyth\nhym sodeynly not warned of his comyng. whiche was so glad and Ioyous/\nthat in enbrasynge hym she fyll doun ded Also of an other woman to whom\nwas reportid by a fals messanger that her sone was ded/ whiche wente\nhome soroufully to her hows/ And afterward whan her sone cam to her/ As\nsone as she sawe hym/ she was so esmoued wyth Ioye y't she deyde to fore\nhym/ But this is not so grete meruaylle of women as is of the men/ For\nthe women ben likened vnto softe waxe or softe ayer and therfor she is\ncallid mulier whyche Is as moche to saye in latyn as mollys \u00e6r. And in\nenglish soyfte ayer/ And it happeth ofte tymes that the nature of them\nthat ben softe and mole/ taketh sonner Inpression than the nature of men\nthat is rude and stronge/ Valerye reherceth & sayth that a knyght of\nrome named Instaulosus that had newly conquerid and subiuged the yle of\nCorsika/ And as he sacrefyed his goddes/ he receyuyd lettres from the\nsenate of rome In whiche were conteyned dyuerse supplicacyons/ The\nwhiche whan he vnderstood he was so glad and so enterprysed wyth Ioye/\nthat he knewe not what to doo And than a great fumee or smoke yssued out\nof the fyre In whiche he dispayred and fyll in to the fyre/ where he was\nanone ded/ And also it is sayd that Philomenus lawhed so sore and\ndistemperatly that he deyde alle lawhynge/ And we rede that ypocras the\nphisicien fonde remedye for thys Ioye/ For whan he had longe dwellyd\noute of his contreye for to lerne connynge and wysedom/ And shold\nretorne vnto his parentis and frendes/ whan he approchid nyghe them/ He\nsente a messanger to fore for to telle to them his comynge/ and comanded\nhym to saye that he cam/ for they had not longe to fore seen hym/ And\ny't they shold attempre them in that Ioye er they shold see hym/ And\nalso we rede that Titus the sone of vaspasian whan he had conquerd\nIherusalem and abode in y'e contrees by/ he herde y't his fader\nvaspasian was chosen by alle the senate for to gouerne the empire of\nrome/ wherfore he had so right grete Ioye that sodaynly he loste the\nstrength of all his membres And be cam all Impotent And whan Iosephus\nthat made the historye of the romayns ayenst the Iewis/ whiche was a\nryght wyse phisicien sawe and knewe the cause of this sekenes of the\nsayd Titus/ he enquyred of his folk yf he had in hate ony man gretly so\nmoche that he myght not here speke of hym ner well see hym And one of\nthe seruantes of Titus sayd that he had one persone in hate so moche.\nThat ther was no man in his court so hardy that durste name hym in his\npresence/ and than Iosephus assigned a day whan this man shold come/ and\nordeyned a table to sette in y'e sight of Titus/ and dide hit to be\nreplenysshid plenteuously wyth alle dayntees/ and ordeyned men to be\narmed to kepe hym in suche wyse that no man shold hurte hym by the\ncomandement of Titus/ and ordeyned boutellers. Coques/ and other\nofficers for to serue hym worshipfully lyke an Em\u00feour/ and whan all this\nwas redy/ Iosephus brought in this man that tytus hated and sette hym at\nthe table to fore his eyen and was seruyd of yonge men wyth grete\nreuerence ryght cortoisly/ And whan titus behelde his enemye sette to\nfore hym wyth so grete honour/ He began to chauffe hym self by grete\nfelonnye And comanded his men that this man sholde be slayn/ And whan he\nsawe/ that none wold obeye hym But that they all way seruyd hym\nreuerently/ he waxe so ardante/ and enbrasid wyth so grete yre/ that he\nthat had lost alle the force and strengthe of his body and was alle\nImpotent in alle his membres/ Recoured the helthe agayn and strengthe of\nhis membris/ by the hete that entryd in to the vaynes and sinewis And\nIosephus dide so moche that he was recouerid and hole/ And that he helde\nthat man no more for his enemye/ but helde hym for a verray true frende/\nAnd afterward made hym his loyall felawe and compaignon And the espicers\nand Apotecayres ought to make truly suche thynges as Is comanded to them\nby the physicyens/ And they ought taccomplisshe theyr billis and charge\ncuryously wyth grete dilygence/ that for none other cause they shold be\nocupied but in makynge medicynes or confections truly. And that they\nought vpon paryll of theyr sowle not to forgete/ by negligence ne\nrechelesnes to gyue one medecyne for an other/ In suche wyse that they\nbe not slears of men/ And that they do putte no false thynges In her\nspyces for to empayre or encrecynge the weyght. For yf they so doo they\nmay better be callyd theuys than espiciers or apotecayris/ And they that\nben acustomed to make oynements they ought to make hyt proprely of true\nstuf and of good odoure after the receptes of the auncyent doctours/ And\nafter the forme that the phisicyens and cyrurgyens deuyse vnto them/\nAlso they ought to beware that for none auayle ne gyfte that they myght\nhaue/ that they put in theyr medicynes no thynge venemous ner doynge\nhurte or scathe to ony persone of whom they haue none good ne veray\nknowlege/ to thende that they to whom the medicynes shold be gyuen/\ntorne not to them hurte ne domage/ ne in destructions of theyr\nneyghbours/ and also that they that haue mynystrid tho thyngis to them/\nben not taken for parteners of the blame and of the synne of them The\ncyrurgyens ought also to be debonayr. amyable. & to haue pytye of their\npacyents. And also they ought not be hasty to launse and cutte apostumes\nand soores/ ne open the heedes/ ner to arrache bones broken/ but yf the\ncause be apparant/ For they myght ellys lose theyr good renome And myght\nbetter be callyd bouchers than helars or guarisshors of woundes and\nsoores And also hit behoueth that alle this maner of peple foresayd that\nhaue the charge for to make hole and guarisshe alle maner of maladyes\nand Infirmitees that they first haue the cure of themself/ and they\nought to purge themself fro alle apostumes and alle vices/ In suche wyse\nthat they be net and honeste and enformed in alle good maners/ And that\nthey shewe hem hole and pure & redy for to hele other And herof sayth\nBoecius de Consolacione In his first booke that the sterres that ben hid\nvnder the clowdes maye gyue no light. And therfore yf ony man wole\nbeholde clerly the verite. Late hym wythdrawe hym fro the obscurete and\nderkenes of the clowdes of ignorance/ for whan the engyne of a man\nsheweth in Ioye or in sorowe/ The pensee or thought is enuoluped in\nobscurete & vnder the clowdes.\n[Illustration]\n_The sixthe chapitre of the thirde book treteth of the sixth pawn/\nwhiche is lykened to tauerners hostelers and vitayllers._\nThe sixthe pawn whiche standeth to fore the Alphyn on the lyfte syde is\nmade in thys forme. For hit is a man that hath the right hande stracched\noute as for to calle men/ And holdeth in his lyfte hande a loof of breed\nand a cuppe of wyn/ And on his gurdell hangynge a boudell of keyes/ And\nthis resembleth the Tauerners. hostelers. and sellars of vitaylle. And\nthise ought proprely to be sette to fore the/ Alphyn as to fore a Iuge\nFor ther sourdeth ofte tymes amonge hem contencion noyse and stryf/\nwhiche behoueth to be determyned and trayted by the alphyn/ whiche is\nIuge of the kynge/ And hit apperteyneth to them for to seke and enquyre\nfor good wyns and good vitayll for to gyue and selle to the byers/ And\nto them that they herberowe/ And hit apperteyneth to them well to kepe\ntheir herberowes and Innes/ and alle tho thyngis that they brynge in to\ntheir loggynge and for to putte hyt in seure and sauf warde and kepynge/\nAnd the firste of them Is signefyed by the lyfte hande in whiche he\nbereth brede and wyn/ and the seconde is signefied by the right hande\nwhiche Is stracched oute to calle men/ And the thirde is representid by\nthe keyes hangynge on y'e gurdell And thyse maner of peple ought\nteschewethe synne of glotonye/ For moche peple comen in to theyr howses\nfor to drynke and to ete for whyche cause they ought resonably to rewle\nthem self and to refrayne them from to moche mete and drynke/ to thende\nthat they myght the more honestly delyuere thyngis nedefull vnto the\npeple that come vnto them/ And no thynge by oultrage that myght noye the\nbody/ For hit happeth ofte tymes that ther cometh of glotonye tencyons.\nstryfs. ryottes. wronges. and molestacyons/ by whiche men lese other\nwhile their handes. theyr eyen. and other of their membres/ And somtyme\nben slayn or hurt vnto the deth/ As it is wreton In vitas patrum As on a\ntyme an heremyte wente for to visite his gossibs/ And the deuyll apperyd\nto hym on the waye in lykenes of an other heremyte for to tempte hym/\nand saide thou hast lefte thyn heremitage And goost to visyte thy\ngossibs/ The behoueth by force to doo one of y'e thre thynges that I\nshall saye to the/ thou shalt chese whether thou wylt be dronke/ or\nellys haue to do flessly wyth thy gossib or ellys thou shalt sle her\nhusbond whiche is thy gossip also/ And the hermyte that thought for to\nchese the leste euyll chace for to be dronke/ and whan he cam vnto them\nhe dranke so moche that he was veray dronke And whan he was dronke and\neschaussed wyth the wyn/ he wold haue a doo wyth hys gossib/ And her\nhusbonde withstode hym. And than the hermyte slewe hym/ And after that\nlaye by his gossib and knewe her flessly/ And thus by this synne of\ndronkenship he accomplisshid the two other synnes/ By whyche thynge y'e\nmay vnderstande and knowe y't whan the deuyll wyll take one of the\ncastellis of Ihesu cryst/ that is to wete the body of a man or of a\nwoman/ he doth as a prynce that setteth a siege to fore a castell that\nhe wold wynne/ whiche ent[=e]deth to wynne the gate/ For he knoweth well\nwhan he hath wonne the gate/ he may sone doo hys wylle wyth the castell.\nAnd in lyke wyse doth the deuyll wyth euery man and woman For whan he\nhathe wonne the gate/ that is to wete the gate of y'e mouth by glotonye\nor by other synne He may doo wyth the offices of the body alle his wylle\nas y'e haue herd to fore/ And therfore ought euery man ete and drynke\nsobrely in suche wyse as he may lyue. And not lyue to ete glotonsly &\nfor to drynke dronke. y'e see comunly that a grete bole is suffisid wyth\nright a lityll pasture/ And that a wode suffiseth to many olefauntes And\nhit behoueth a man to be fedde by the erthe or by the see/ neuertheles\nit is no grete thynge to fede the bely/ no thynge so grete as is the\ndesire of many metes Wherof Quyntylian sayth/ That hit happeth ofte\ntymes in grete festes & dyners/ that we be fylde wyth the sight of the\nnoble and lichorous metis and whan we wolde ete we ben saciat and fild/\nAnd therfore hit is sayd in prouerbe/ hit is better to fylle the bely\nthan the eye/ And lucan sayth that glotonye is the moder of alle vices/\nand especiall of lecherye/ and also is destroyer of all goodes And may\nnot haue suffisance of lityll thynge/ A couetous honger what sekest thou\nmete and vitayllis on the lande & in the see/ And thy Ioye is nothynge\nellis but to haue playnteuous disshes & well fylde at thy table lerne\nhow men may demene his lyf with lityll thynge/ And Cathon sayth in no\nwyse obeye to glotonye whiche is frende to lecherye/ And the holy\ndoctour saynt Augustyn sayth/ the wyn eschausseth the bely that falleth\nanone to lecherye/ The bely and the membrers engendreurs ben neyghebours\nto lecherye/ And thus the vice of glotonye prouoketh lecherye/ wherof\ncometh forgetenes of his mynde and destruction of alle quyk and sharp\nreson And is cause of distem\u00feance of his wittes/ what synne is fowler\nthan this synne and more stynkynge ne more domageous For this synne hath\ntaken away the vertue of the man/ his prowesse languisshed/ his vertue\nis torned to diffame/ the strengthe of body and of corage is torned by\nthe/ And therfore sayth Basille le grant/ late vs take hede how we serue\nthe bely & the throte by glotonye lyke as we were dombe bestes/ and we\nstudye for to be lyke vnto belucs of the see/ to whom nature hath gyuen\nto be alleway enclined toward the erthe & ther to loke for to serue\ntheyr belyes/ And herof saith Boecius de consolacione in his fourth\nbook/ that a man that lyuyth and doth not the condicions of a man/ may\nneuer be in good condicion/ Than muste hit nedes be that he be\ntransported in nature of a beste or of a belue of the see. How well that\nryght grete men and women full of meruayllous sciences and noble\ncounceyll in thise dayes in the world ben kept and nourisshid in this\nglotonye of wyns and metes/ and ofte tymes ben ouerseen/ how suppose y'e/\nis hit not right a perillous thinge that a lord or gouernour of the\npeple and c[=o]mun wele/ how well that he be wyse/ yf he eschauffe hym\nsone so that y'e wyn or other drynke surpryse hym and ouercome his\nbrayn. his wisedom is loste/ For as Cathon sayth/ Ire enpessheth the\ncorage in suche as he may not kepe verite and trouthe And anon as he is\nchauffed/ lecherye is meuyd in hym in suche wyse that the lecherye\nmaketh hym to medle in dyuerse villayns dedes/ For than his wyfedom is a\nslepe and goon/ And therfore fayth Ouide in his booke De remedio amoris/\nyf thou take many and dyuerce wyns/ they apparylle and enforce the\ncorages to lecherye And Thobie witnessith in his booke/ that luxurye\ndestroyeth the body/ and mynussheth richesses/ she loseth the sowle/ she\nfebleth y'e strengthe she blyndeth the syght/ and maketh the wys hoos &\nrawe/ Ha A ryght euyll and fowle synne of dronkenship/ by the perissheth\nvirginite/ whiche is suster of angellis possedynge alle goodnes and\nseurte of all Ioyes pardurable/ Noe was one tyme so chauffed with wyn/\nthat he discouerd and shewid to his sones his preuy membres in suche\nwyse as one of his sones mocqued hym/ And that other couerd hem/ And\nloth whiche was a man right chaste. was so assoted by moche drynkynge of\nwyn/ that on a montayne he knew his doughters carnelly/ And had to doo\nwyth them as they had ben his propre wyues. And crete reherceth that\nboece whiche was flour of the men/ tresor of rychesses/ singuler house\nof sapience myrour of the world/ Odour of good renome/ and glorye of his\nsubgettis loste alle thyse thynges by his luxurye We haue seen that\ndyuerce that were Ioyned by grete amyte to geder whiles they were sobre/\nthat that one wolde put his body in paryll of deth for that other/ and\nwhan they were eschauffed with wyn & dronke/ they haue ronne eche vpon\nother for to fle* hem/ And somme haue ben that haue slayn so his frende/\nHerodes Antipas had not doon saynt Iohn baptist to ben beheded/ ne had\ny'e dyner ben full of glotonye and dronkenship/ Balthazar kynge of\nbabilone had not ben chaced out of his kyngdom ne be slayn yf he had ben\nsobre amonge his peple whom tyrus and dares fonde dronken and slewe hym\nThe hostelers ought to be well bespoken and courtoys of wordes to them\nthat they receyue in to their loggynge For fayr speche & Ioyous chiere &\ndebonayr/ cause men to gyue the hostelyer a good name/ And therfore it\nis said in a comyn prouerbe/ Courtoyse langage and well saynge is moche\nworth and coste lityll/ And in an other place it is said that curtoysie\npasseth beaulte/ Also for as moche as many paryls and aduentures may\nhappen on the wayes and passages to hem that ben herberowed with in\ntheir Innes/ therfore they ought to accompanye them whan they departe\nand enseigne them the wayes and telle to them the paryls/ to thende that\nthey may surely goo theyr viage and Iourney/ And also they ought to kepe\ntheir bodies, their goodes. And the good fame and renomee of their\nInnes/ we rede that loth whan he had receyuyd the angels in to his hous\nright debonairly whiche he had suppofid had ben mortall men and\nstra[=u]gers/ to thende that they shold eskape the disordinate and\nvnnaturell synne of lecherye of the sodamites/ by the vertu of good\nfayth/ he sette a part the naturell loue of a fader/ and proferd to them\nhis doughters whiche were virgyns/ to thende that they shld kepe them\nand defende them fro that vyllayne and horrible synne/ And knowe y'e for\ncertayn that alle tho thynges that ben taken and delyueryd to kepe to\nthe hoste or hostesses they ought to be sauf and yelden agayn wyth out a\npayringe For the ooste ought to knowe/ who that entryth in to his hous\nfor to be herberowhed taketh hit for his habitacion for the tyme/ he\nhymself and alle suche thynges as he bryngeth wyth hym ben comysed of\nryght in the warde and kepynge of the hoost or hosteler And ought to be\nas sauf as they were put in his owen propre hous And also suche hoostis\nought to hold seruantes in their houses whiche shold be trewe and wyth\noute auarice In suche wise that they coueyte not to haue the goodes of\ntheir ghestes And that they take not away the prouender fro theyr horses\nwhan hyt is gyuen to them/ that by thoccasion therof theyr horsis\nperisshe not ne faylle theyr maister whan they haue nede/ and myght\nfalle in the handes of theyr enemyes/ For than sholde the seruantes\nbecause of that euyll/ wherfore theyr maisters shold see to For wyth\noute doubte this thynge is worse than thefte Hit happend on a tyme in\nthe parties of lomberdye in the cyte of Iene y't a noble man was logged\nin an hostelerye wyth moche compaignye/ And whan they had gyuen\nprouendour to their horses/ In the first oure of the nyght, the seruant\nof the hous cam secretly to fore y'e horses for to stele away their\nprouender/ And whan he cam to the lordes hors/ The hors caught wyth his\nteth his Arme and helde hit faste that he myght not escape/ And whan the\ntheef sawe that he was so strongly holden/ he began to crye for the\ngrete payne that he suffryd and felte/ In suche wyse that the noble\nmannes meyne cam with the hooste/ But in no maner/ ner for ought they\ncoude doo They coude not take the theef out of the horses mouth vnto the\ntyme that the neyghbours whiche were noyed wyth the noyse cam and sawe\nhit/ And than the theef was knowen and taken and brought to fore the\nIuge And confessid the feet and by sentence diffinytyf was hanged and\nlost his lyf/ And in the same wyse was an other that dyde so/ And the\nhors smote hym in the visage/ That the prynte of the horse shoo and\nnayles abode euer in his visage/ Another was right cruell and villaynous\nfylle at tholouse/ Hit happend a Ionge man and his fader wente a\npilgremage to saynt Iames in Galyce And were logged in an hostelrye of\nan euyll hoost and full of right grete couetyse/ In so moche that he\ndefired and coueyted the goodes of the two pilgrimes And here vpon\nauysed hym and put a cuppe of siluer secretly in the male that the yonge\nman bare/ And whan they departed oute of their loggynge/ he folowed\nafter hem and sayd to fore the peple of the court that they had stolen\nand born away his cuppe/ And the yonge man excused hym selfe and his\nfader/ And sayde they were Innocent of that caas/ And than they serchid\nhem and the cuppe was founden in the male of the yonge man And forthwyth\nhe was dampned to the deth and hanged as a theef/ and this feet doon all\nthe goodes that langed to the pilgrym were deliuerid to the ooft as\nc[=o]fisqued And than the fader wente for to do his pilgremage/ and whan he\ncam agayn he muste nedes come & passe by the place where his sone henge\non the gibet And as he cam he complaygned to god and to saynt Iames how\nthey might suffre this auenture to come vnto his sone,' Anone his sone\nthat henge spack to his fader And sayde how that saynt Iames had kepte\nhym with out harme And bad his fader goo to the Iuge and shewe to hym\nthe myracle/ And how he was Innocent of thot fayte/ And whan this thynge\nwas knowen the sone of the pilgryme was taken down fro the gibet/ and\nthe cause was brought to fore the Iuge And the hooste was accused of the\ntrayson/ and he confessid his trespaas/ and sayd he dide hit for\ncouetyse to haue his good And than the Iuge dampned hym for to be hanged\non the same gibet where as the yonge pilgryme was hanged And that I haue\nsayd of the seruantes beynge men/ the same I saye of the women as\nchambriers and tapsters For semblable caas fille in spayne at saynt\ndonne of a chamberier/ that put a cup in lyke wyse in the scrippe of a\npilgryme/ be cause he wold not haue a doo wyth her in the synne of\nlecherye/ wherfore he was hanged And his fader & moder that were there\nwith hym wente and dyde her pilgremage/ And whan they cam agayn they\nfonde her sone lyuynge/ And whan they wente and told the Iuge/ whiche\nIuge sayd that he wolde not byleue hit tyll a cok and an henne which\nrosted on the fyre were a lyue & the cok crewe. And anon they began wexe\na lyue & the cok crewe and began to crowe and to pasture/ and whan the\nIuge sawe this miracle/ he wente and toke doun the sone/ and made the\nchamberyer to be taken and to be hanged/ wherfore I saye that the\nhoostes ought to hold no tapsters ne chamberyers/ but yf they were good\nmeure and honeste/ For many harmes may be falle and come by the\ndisordenat rewle of seruantes.\n[Illustration]\n_The seventh chapitre of the thirde Tractate treteth of kepars of townes\ncustomers and tolle gaderers &c._\nThe gardes and kepars of of cytees ben signefied by the .vii. pawn\nwhiche stondeth in the lyfte side to fore the knyght/ And is formed in\nthe semblance of a man holdynge in his right hande grete keyes And in\nhis lifte hande a potte & an elle for to mesure with And ought to haue\non hys gurdell a purse open/ And by the keyes ben signefyed the kepars\nof the cytees and townes and comyn offices/ And by the potte and elle\nben signefyed them that haue the charge to weye and mete & mesure truly\nAnd by the purse ben signefyed them that reseyue the costumes. tolles.\nscawage. peages/ and duetes of the cytees & townes And thyse peple ben\nsette by ryght to fore the knyght/ And hit behoueth that the gardes and\noffycers of the townes be taught And enseygned by the knyghtes/ And that\nthey knowe and enquyre how y'e cytees or townes ben gouerned/ whiche\napperteyneth to be kept and defended by the knyghtes. And first hit\napperteyneth that the kepars of the cyte be dilygente. besy. clere\nseeynge and louers of the comyn prouffit & wele/ as well in the tyme of\npees as in the tyme of warre/ They ought allewaye to goo in the cyte and\nenquyre of all thynges and ought rapporte to the gouernours of the cyte\nsuche thynge as they fynde and knowe And suche thynge as apperteyneth\nand to the seuerte of the same/ and to den[=o]nce and telle the defaultes\nand paryls that ther bee/ And yf hit be in tyme of warre they ought not\nto open the yates by nyght to no man/ And suche men as ben put in this\noffice/ ought to be of good renome. & fame, trewe. and of good\nconscience/ In suche maner that they loue them of the Cyte or town/ And\nthat they put to no man ony blame or vilanye with out cause by enuye.\nCouetyse ne by hate/ but they ought to be sory and heuy whan they see\nthat ony man shold be complayned on for ony cause. For hit happeth ofte\ntymes that diuerce officers accuse the good peple fraudulently/ To\nthende that they myght haue a thanke & be preysed and to abide stille in\ntheyr offices And trewly hit is a grete and hye maner of malyse to be in\nwill to doo euyll and diffame other wyth oute cause to gete glorie to\nhymself Also the kepars and officers of cytees ought to be suche that\nthey suffre no wronges ne vylonyes to fore the Iuges and gouernours of\ncytees wyth out cause to be doon to them that ben Innocents/ but they\nought to haue theyr eyen and regarde vnto hym/ that knoweth the hertes\nand thoughtes of alle men/ And they ought to drede & doubte hym wyth\noute whos grace theyr wacche and kepynge is nought And that promyseth to\nthem that doubte hym shall be ewrous & happy/ And by hym ben alle\nthynges accomplisshid in good/ Hit is founden in the historyes of rome\nthat Temperour Frederik the seconde dide do make a gate of marble of\nmeruayllous werke and entayll in the cyte of capnane vpon the watre that\nrenneth aboute the same/ and vpon this yate he made an ymage lyke\nhymself sittynge in his mageste/ and two Iuges whiche were sette/ one on\nthe right side and that other on the lifte side. And vpon the sercle\naboue the hede of the Iuge on y'e ryght side was wreton/ Alle they entre\nseurly that will liue purely/ And vpon the sercle of the Iuge on the\nlifte side was wreton/ The vntrewe man ought to doubte/ to doo thynge\nthat he be put to prison fore/ and on the sercle aboue thempour was\nwreton/ I make them live in misery/ that I see lyue dismesurably/ And\ntherfore hit apperteyneth to a Iuge to shewe to the peple for to drede\nand doubte to doo eyull/ And hit apperteyneth to the gardes and officers\nto doubte the Iuges and to do trewly their seruyces and offices And hit\napperteyneth to a prynce to menace the traytours and the malefactours of\nright greuous paynes. And herof we fynde in the auncyent historyes of\ncecylle that the kynge denys had a broder whom he louyd sore well/ But\nallway where he wente he made heuy and tryste semblant/ And thus as they\nwente bothe to gyder on a tyme in a chare/ ther cam agayn hem two poure\nmen wyth glad visage but in foule habite/ And y'e kynge anon as he sawe\nthem/ sprange out of his chare and resseyuyd them worshipfully with\ngrete reuerence/ wherfore his barons were not only ameruaylled but also\nangry in their corages/ notwithstandynge fere and drede letted them to\ndemande hym the cause/ But they made his broder to demande the cause and\nto knowe the certaynte/ And whan he had herde his broder saye to hym the\ndemande/ and that he was blessyd & also a kynge whiche was ryche and\nfull of delites & worshipis/ he demanded hym yf he wold assaye & knowe\nthe grace and beneurte of a kynge And his broder answerd y'e/ And that he\ndesired and requyred hit of hym/ and than the kinge comanded vnto alle\nhis fugettis that they shold obeye in alle thynges only vnto his broder\nAnd than whan the oure of dyner cam and alle thynge was redy/ the broder\nwas sette at the table of the kynge And whan he sawe that he was seruyd\nwyth right noble botelliers and other officers. And he herde the sownes\nof musicque right melodious The kynge demanded hym than/ yf he supposid\ny't he were benerous and blessid. And he answerd I wene well that I am\nright well blessid and fortunat/ and that I haue well proued and fele\nand am expert therof And than the kynge secretly made to be hanged ouer\nhis heed a sharp cuttynge swerde hangynge by an hors heer or a silken\nthrede so small that no man myght see hit where by hit henge/ and whan\nhe sawe his broder put no more his hand to the table/ ne had no more\nregarde vnto his seruantes/ he sayd to hym why ete y'e not/ ar y'e not\nblessid/ saye yf y'e fele ony thynge otherwyse than blessid and well/ And\nhe answerde for as moche as I see this sharp swerde hangynge so subtilly\nand parillously ouer my hede I fele well that I am not blessid for I\ndrede that hit shold falle on my hede/ and than discouerd the kynge vnto\nhem alle wherfore he was allway so heuy cherid and triste For where he\nwas/ he thought alleway on the swerde of the secrete vengeance of god/\nwhiche he behelde alleway in his herte/ wherfore he had all way in\nhymself grete drede And therfore he worshipid gladly the poure peple\nwyth glad visage and good conscience And by this sheweth the kynge well/\nthat what man that is all way in drede is not all way mery or blessid.\nAnd herof fayth Quyntilian that this drede surmounteth alle other\nmaleurtees and euyllys/ For it is maleurte of drede nyght and day/ And\nit is verite that to hym that Is doubtid of moche peple/ so muste he\ndoubte moche/ And that lord is lasse than hys seruantes that dredeth hys\nseruantes/ And truly hit Is a ryght sure thynge to drede no thinge but\ngod/ And sumtyme right hardy men ben constrayned to lyue in drede/ Drede\ncauseth a man to be curyous and besy to kepe the thynges that ben\ncommysed to hym that they perisshe not/ But to be to moche hardy & to\nmoche ferdfull/ bothe two ben vices The comyn officers ought to be wise,\ndiscrete. and well aduysed in suche wyse that they take not of y'e peple\nne requyre no more than they ought to haue by reson/ ne that they take\nof the sellars ne of the byars no more than the right custom and toll/\nfor they bere the name of a c[=o]mun \u00fesone/ and therfore ought they\nto shewe them c[=o]mune to all men/ and for as moche as the byars and\nsellars haue somtyme moche langage/ they ought to haue with them these\nvertues/ that is to wete pacience and good corage with honeste/ for they\nthat ben despiteus to the c[=o]mun/ ben otherwhile had in vilayns\ndespite/ therfore beware y't thou haue no despite to the poure\nmendicants/ yf thou wilt come and atteyne to thingis fouerayn/ for the\nIniurye that is don wyth oute cause/ torneth to diffame hym that doth\nhit/ A Iogheler on a tyme beheld socrates and sayd to hym/ thou hast the\neyen of corrumpour of children & art as a traytre. And whan his\ndisciples herde hym/ they wold auengid their maister/ But he repreuyd\nhem by suche sentence saynge/ Suffre my felaws for I am he and suche one\nas he saith/ by the sight of my visage/ But I refrayne and kepe me well\nfrom suche thynge/ This same socrates hymself was chidde and right fowll\nspoken to of his wyf/ and she Imposid to hym many grete Iniuries with\nout nombre/ and she was in a place a boue ouer his heed And whan she had\nbrawlid I nowh/ she made her watre and pourid hit on his heed And he\nanswerd to here no thynge agayn/ sauf whan he had dryed and wypid his\nheed he said/ he knewe well that after suche wynde and thonder sholde\ncomen rayn and watre And the philosophres blamed hym that he coude not\ngouerne two women/ that was his wyf and his chambrere/ And shewde hym\nthat one cokke gouerned well .xv. hennes He answerd to them that he was\nso vsed and accustomed wyth theyr chydynge that the chydynges of them ne\nof estrangers dyde hym no greef ne harme/ gyue thou place to hym that\nbrawleth or chydeth/ and in suffrynge hym thou shalt be his\nvaynquysshour/ And Cathon fayth whan thou lyuyst ryghtfully recche the\nnot of the wordes of euyll peple/ And therfore it is sayd in a comyn\nprouerbe/ he that well doth reccheth not who seeth hit/ & hit is not in\nour power to lette men to speke. And prosper sayth that to good men\nlacketh no goodnes/ ner to euyll men tencions stryfs and blames And\npacience is a ryght noble vertu/ as a noble versifier sayth That\npacience is a ryght noble maner to vaynquysshe. For he that suffreth\nouercometh. And yf thou wylt vaynquysshe and ouercome/ lerne to suffre/\nThe peagers ner they that kepe passages ought not to take other peage ne\npassage money but suche as the prynce or the lawe haue establisshid/ so\nthat they be not more robbeurs of moneye than reseyuours of peage and\npassage And hit apperteyneth to them to goo out of the paryllo*9 weyes\nand doubteuous for to kepe their office and they ought to Requyre theyr\npassage of them that owe to paye hit wyth oute noynge and contencion/\nAnd they ought not to loue the comyn prouffyt so moche/ That they falle\nin the hurtynge of theyr conscience/ For that shold be a manere of\nrobberye And herof sayth ysaye Woo to the that robbest/ For thou thy\nself shalt be robbed/ The gardes or porters of the gates of cytees and\nof the comyn good ought to be good and honeste. And alle trouthe ought\nto be in them and they ought not to take ne withdrawe the goodes of the\ncomyn that they haue in kepynge/ more than apperteyneth to them for\ntheyr pension or ffee/ So that they that ben made tresorers and kepars\nben not named theuys/ For who that taketh more than his/ He shall neuer\nthryue wyth alle/ ner shall not enioye hit longe/ For of euyll gooten\ngood the thyrde heyr shall neuer reioyce/ And this suffisith &c.\n[Illustration]\n_This chapitre of the thirder book treteth of Rybauldis players of dyse\nand messagers and corrours_\nThe rybaulders, players of dyse and of messagers and corrours ought to\nbe sette to fore the rook/ For hit apperteyneth to the rook whiche is\nvicayre & lieutenant of the kynge to haue men couenable for to renne\nhere and there for tenquyre & espie the place and cytees that myght be\ncontrarye to the kynge/ And thys pawn that representeth thys peple ought\nto be formed in this maner/ he must haue the forme of a man that hath\nlonge heeris and black and holdeth in his ryght hand a lityll monoye And\nin his lyfte hande thre Dyse And aboute hym a corde in stede of a\ngyrdell/ and ought to haue a boxe full o lettres And by the first/\nwhiche is money is vnderstand they that be fole large & wastours of\ntheyr goodes/ And by the seconde whiche is the dyse Ben represented the\nplayers at dyse/ Rybauldes and butters/ And by the thyrde whiche is the\nboxe full of lettres ben representid the messagers. corrours/ And berars\nof lettres/ And y'e shall vnderstande that the roock whiche is vicaire of\nthe kynge whan he seeth to fore hym suche peple as ben folelarge and\nwastours. He is bounden to constitute and ordeyne vpon them tutours and\ncuratours to see that they etc not ne waste in suche maner theyr goodes\nne theyr heritages/ that pouerte constrayne hem not to stele/ For he\nthat of custome hath had haboundance of moneye and goth and dispendith\nhit folily and wasteth hit away/ whan he cometh to pouerte and hath\nnought/ he must nedes begge and axe his breed, orellis he must be a\ntheef/ For suche maner of peple/ yf they haue ben delicyous they wyll\nnot laboure/ for they haue not lerned hit And yf they be noble and comen\nof gentilmen/ they be ashamed to axe and begge/ And thus muste they by\nforce whan they haue wasted theyr propre goodes yf they wyll lyue they\nmuste stele and robbe the goodes of other And y'e shall vnderstande that\nfolelarge is a right euyll vice/ for how well that she dooth good and\nprouffyt somtyme to other yet she doth harme and domage to hym that so\nwasteth. Caffiodore admonesteth the fole larges to kepe theyr thynges/\nthat by no necessite they falle in pouerte/ And that they be not\nconstrayned to begge ne to stele of other men For he faith that hit is\ngretter subtilte to kepe well his owne goodes/ than to fynde strange\nthynge/ and that it is gretter vertue to kepe that is goten than to gete\nand wynne more/ and claudian saith in like wise in his book that hit is\na gretter thynge & better to kepe that is goten Than to gete more And\ntherfore hit is sayd y't the poure demandeth and beggeth er he felith/\nand also hit is sayd that he y't dispendith more than he hath/ with oute\nstrook he is smyten to the deth/ Ther was a noble man named Iohn de\nganazath whiche was ryght ryche/ And this man had but two doughters whom\nhe maryed to two noble men/ And whan he had maryed them/ he loued so\nwell his sones in lawe their husbondes/ that in space & succession of\ntyme/ he departed to them alle his goodes temporell/ And as longe as he\ngaf to them they obeyed hym & were right diligent to plese and serue\nhym/ so hit befell that on a tyme that he had alle gyuen in so moche\nthat he had ryght nought/ Than hit happend that they to whom he had\ngyuen his goodes/ whiche were wonte to be amyable & obeyssant to hym as\nlonge as he gaf. Whan tyme cam that he was poure and knewe that he had\nnot they becam unkynde Disagreable and disobeyssant/ And whan the fader\nsawe that he was deceyuyd by his debonayrte and loue of his doughters/\nHe desired and couetyed fore teschewe his pouerte/ At laste he wente to\na marchant that he knewe of olde tyme. And requyred hym to lene to hym.\nx. thousand pound for to paye and rendre agayn wyth in thre dayes/ And\nhe lente hit hym/ and whan he had brought hit in to his hows/ Hit\nhappend that hit was a day of a solempne feste/ on whiche daye he gaf to\nhis doughters and her hufbonde a right noble dyner/ and after dyner he\nentrid in to his chambre secretly wyth them/ And drewe out of a coffre\nthat he had do make all newe shettynge with iii. lockis/ the menoye that\nthe marchant had lente hym And poured out vpon a tapyte that his\ndoughtres and theyr hufbondes myght see hit/ And whan he had shewid hit\nvnto them he put hit vp agayn and put hit in to the cheste saynynge that\nhit had ben all his And whan they were departed he bare the money home\nto the marchant that he had borowed hit of/ And the next day after his\ndoughters and theyre hufbondes Axid of hym how moche moneye was in the\ncheste that was shette wyth. iii. lockis/ And than he fayned and saide\nthat he had therein. xxv. thousand pound/ whiche he kepte for to make\nhis testament and for to leue to his doughters and hem/ yf they wolde\nhere hem as well to hym ward as they dyde whan they were maried/ And\nthan whan they herde that/ they were right Ioyous and glad And they\nthoughte and concluded to serue hym honorably as well in clothynge as in\nmete and drynke & of alle other thynges necessarye to hym vnto his ende\nAnd after this whan the ende of hym began tapproche/ he callyd his\ndoughters and her husbondes and sayd to hem in thys mauere/ y'e shall\nvnderstande that the moneye that is in the chest shette vnder. iii.\nlockes I wylle leue to yow Sanynge I wyll that y'e gyue in my prefence er\nI dye whilis I lyue to the frere prechours. C. pound and to the frere\nmenours. C. pound/ And to the heremytes of saynt Augustyn .I. pound to\nthende that whan I am buryed and put in the erthe y'e may demande of them\nthe keyes of y'e cheste where my tresour is Inne/ whiche keyes they\nkepe/ and I haue put on eche keye a bille & writynge In witnessinge of\nthe thynges abouesayd/ And also y'e shall vnderstande that he dyde do to\nbe gyuen whilis he laye in his deth bedde to eche churche and recluse\nand to poure peple a certayn quantyte of moneye by the handes of his\ndoughters husbondes/ whiche they dyde gladly. In hope to haue shortly\nthe money that they supposid had ben in the cheste/ And whan hit cam to\nthe last day/ that he deyde/ He was born to churche and his exequye don\nand was buryed solempnly/ And the eyght daye the seruyse worshipfully\naccomplisshid/ They wente for to demande the keyes of the Religious men\nthat they had kept/ whiche were deliueryd to them/ And than they wente\nand opend the coffre where they supposid the money had ben Inne/ And\nthere they fonde no thyng but a grete clubbe/ And on the the handlynge\nwas wreton/ J Iohn of canazath make this testament/ that he be slayn\nwyth this clubbe/ that leuyth his own prouffit. And gyuyth hit to other/\nas who sayth hit is no wysedom for a man to gyue his good to his\nchildren and kepe none for hym self/ And y'e shall vnderstande that it is\ngrete folye to dispende and waste his good/ In hope for to recoure hit\nof other/ be hit of sone or doughter or ryght nyghe kyn/ For aman ought\nto kepe in his hande in dispendynge his owen goodes/ to fore he see that\nhe dyspende other mennys/ And he ought not to be holden for a good man/\nThat hath lityll renome and spendeth many thyngys/ And I trowe that\nsuche persones wold gladly make noueltees as for to noye and greue\nfeignories and meue warres and tencions agaynst them that habounde in\nrychesses and goodes/ And also make extorcyons clamours & trybulacyons\nayenst theyr lordes to thende to waste the goodes of the peple. lyke as\nthey haue wasted theyris And suche a wastour of goodes may neuer be good\nfor the comyn prouffit. And y'e shall vnderstande that after these\nwastours of goodes we saye that the pleyars of dyse and they that vse\nbordellis ben worst of alle other For whan the hete of playnge at the\ndyse/ And the couetyse of theyr stynkynge lecherye hath brought hem to\npouerte/ hit foloweth by force that they muste ben theuys and robbeurs\nAnd also dronkenship. glotonye. And alle maner of euyllis folowe them\nand myschief/ And they folowe gladly the companyes of knyghtes and of\nnoble men whan they goon vnto the warre or batayllis And they coueyte\nnot so moche the victorye as they do the robberie And they do moche\nharme as they goo And they brynge lityll gayn or wynnynge/ wherof hit\nhappend on a tyme that fsaynt bernard rode on an hors aboute in the\ncontrey And mette wyth an hasardour or dyse-player/ whiche sayd to hym/\nthou goddes man wilte thou playe at dyse wyth me thyn hors ayenst my\nsowle/ to whom saynt Bernard answerd/ yf thou wilt oblige thy sowle to\nme ayenst my hors/ I wolle a lighte doun & playe wyth the/ and yf thou\nhaue mo poyntes than I on thre dyse I promyse the thou shalt haue myn\nhors/ And than he was glad/ and an[=o]n cafte. iii. dyse/ And on eche dyse\nwas a fyfe/ whiche made. xviii. poynts And anone he toke the hors by the\nbrydell/ as he that was fewr that he had wonne/ and said that the hors\nwas his And than saynt Bernard sayde abyde my sone For ther ben mo\npoyntes on the dyse than. xviii. And than he caste the dyse/ In suche\nwyse that one of the. iii. dyse clefte a sonder in the myddes/ And on\nthat one parte was fyfe and on that other an Aas/ And eche of that other\nwas a fyfe/ And than Saynt Bernard sayde That he had wonne hys sowle for\nas moche as he had caste on thre dyse. xix. points/ And than whan thys\nplayer sawe and apperceyuyd thys myracle/ He gaf hys sowle to saynt\nBernard and be cam a monke and finysshid his lyf in good werkes/ The\ncorrours and berars of lettres ought hastely and spedily do her viage\nthat comanded hem/ with oute taryenge/ For their taryenge might noye and\ngreue them that sende hem forth/ or ellis them to whom they ben sent\ntoo/ And torne hem to ryght grete domage or villonye/ for whiche cause\neuery noble man ought well to take hede to whom he deliuere his lettres\nand his mandements/ and otherwhilis suche peple ben Ioghelers &\ndronkelewe/ And goon out of their waye for to see abbayes and noble men\nfor to haue auantage And hit happeth ofte tymes/ that whan suche\nmessagers or currours ben enpesshid by ony taryenge/ That other currours\nbere lettres contrarye to his/ And come to fore hym/ of which thinges\nofte tymes cometh many thinges discouenable of losse of frendes of\ncastellys & of lande & many other thinges as in the feet of marchandise\n&c. And otherwhile hit happeth that a prynce for the faulte of suche\nmessangers lefeth to haue victorye vpon hys enemyes/ And also ther ben\nsome that whan they come in a cyte where they haue not ben to fore/ that\nben more besy to visyte the Cyte and the noble men that dwelle theryn/\nThan they ben to doo theyr voyage/ whyche thynge they ought not to doo/\nBut yf they had specyall charge of them that sente hem forth so to doo.\nAnd also whan they be sente forth of ony lordes or marchauntes they\nought to be well ware/ that they charge hem not wyth ouer moche mete on\nmorenynges ne with to moche wyn on euenynges/ wherby her synewis and\nvaynes myght be greuy/ that they muste for faute of good rewle tarye But\nthey ought to goo and come hastely for to reporte to their maistres\nanswers as hit apperteyneth And this suffisen of the thynges aboue sayd.\nBOOK IV.\n[Illustration]\n_The fourth tractate & the last of the progression and draughtes of the\nforsayd playe of the chesse.\nThe first chapitre of the fourth tractate of the chesse borde in genere\nhow it is made._\nZe haue deuised aboue the thinges that apperteyne vnto the formes of the\nchesse men and of theyr offices/ that is to wete as well of noble men as\nof the comyn peple/ than hit apperteyneth that we shold deuyse shortly\nhow they yssue and goon oute of the places where they be sette/ And\nfirst we ought to speke of the forme and of the facion of the chequer\nafter that hit representeth and was made after/ For hyt was made after\nthe forme of the cyte of Babyloyne/ In the whiche this same playe was\nfounden as hit is sayd afore/ And foure thinges The first is/ wher y'e\nshal vnderstande that y'e ought to consydere here in fore that. lxiiii.\npoyntes ben sette in the eschequer whiche ben alle square/ The seconde\nis wherfore the bordeur aboute his hyher than the squarenes of the\npoyntes/ The thirde is wherfore the comyn peple ben sette to fore the\nnobles/ The fourthe wherfore the nobles and the peples ben sette in\ntheir propre places Ther ben as many poyntes in y'e eschequer wyde as\nfull And y'e shall first vnderftande wherfore that ther ben. lxiiii.\npoyntes in the eschequer/ For as the blessid saint Iherome saith/ the\ncyte of babilone was right grete and was made alle square/ and in euery\nquarter was. xvi. myle by nombre and mesure/ the whiche nombre foure\ntymes told was. lxiiii. myles/ After the maner of lombardye they be\ncallid myles/ and in france leukes/ and in englong they be callid mylis\nalso/ And for to reprefente the mesure of thys cyte/ In whiche thys\nplaye or game was founden/ The philosopher that fonde hit first ordeyned\na tablier conteynyng .lxiiii. poynts square/ the which ben comprised\nwyth in the bordour of the tablier/ ther ben xxxii. on that on fide &.\nxxxii. on that other whiche ben ordeyned for the beaulte of the playe/\nand for to mewe the maner & drawynge of the chesse as hit shall appere\nin the chapitres folowynge/ and as to the seconde wherfore y'e bordour\nof theschequyer is hyher than the table wyth in. hit is to be\nvnderftande y't the bordour aboute representeth the walle of t'e cyte/\nwhiche is right hyghe/ And therfor made y'e philosopher the bordour more\nhyghe than y'e tablier. And as y'e blessid saint Iherome saith vpon y'e\nprophesie of ysaye/ that is to wete vpon a montayne of obscurete. whiche\nwordes were said of babilone whiche standeth in chaldee and nothinge of\nthat babilone that stondeth in egipte/ for it is so y't babilone whiche\nstandeth in chaldee was sette in a right grete playne/ & had so hyghe\nwalles that by the heyghte of them/ was contynuell derkenes environed &\nobscurete/ that none erthely man might beholde and see the ende of y'e\nhyghnes of the walle/ And therfore ysaye callid hit y'e montaigne\nobscure/ And saint Iherome sayth y't the mesure of the heyght of this\nwalle was thre thousand paas/ whiche extendeth vnto y'e lengthe of thre\nmyle lombardes/ hit is to wete that lombarde mylis and english myles ben\nof one lengthe And in one of the corners of this cyte was made a toure\ntreangle as a shelde wherof the heyght extended vnto the lengthe of\n.vii. thousand paas/ whiche is .vii. myle english And this tour was\ncallyd the tour of Babell/ The walles aboute the tour made a woman whos\nname was semiranus as sayth virgilius/ As to the thirde wherfore the\ncomyn peple ben sette to fore the nobles in the felde of the bataylle in\none renge First for as moche as they ben necessarye to alle nobles For\nthe rooke whiche standeth on the ryght syde and is vicaire of the kynge\nwhat may he doo yf the labourer were not sette to fore hym and labourid\nto mynystre to hym suche temporell thynges as be necessary for hym/ And\nwhat may the knyght doo yf he ne had to fore hym the smyth for to forge\nhis armours. sadellis. axis and spores and suche thynges as apperteyneth\nto hym/ And what is a knyght worth wyth oute hors and armes/ certaynly\nnothynge more than on of the peple or lasse pauenture And in what maner\nshold the nobles lyue yf no man made cloth and bought and solde\nmarchandyse/ And what shulde kynges and quenes and the other lordes doo\nyf they had no phisicyens ne cyrurgiens/ than I saye that the peple ben\nthe glorye of the Crowne And susteyne. the lyf of the nobles And\ntherfore thou that art a lord or a noble man or knyght/ despise not the\ncomyn peple for as moche as they ben sette to fore the in y'e pleye The\nseconde cause is why the peple ben sette to fore the nobles and haue the\ntable wyde to fore them/ is be cause they begyn the bataylle/ They ought\nto take hede and entende to do theyr offices and theyr craftes/ In suche\nwyse that they suffre the noble men to gouerne the cytees and to\ncounceylle and make ordenances of the peple of the batayll how shold a\nlabourer a plowman or a craftyman counceylle and make ordenance of suche\nthynges as he neuer lerned/ And wote ne knoweth the mater vpon what\nthynge the counceylle ought to be taken/ Certes the comyn peple ought\nnot to entende to none other thynge but for to do their seruyse and the\noffice whiche is couenable vnto hem/ And hyt apperteyneth not to hem to\nbe of counceyllys ne at the aduocacions/ ne to menace ne to threte\nnoman/ for ofte tymes by menaces and by force good counceylle is\ndistroublid/ And where good counceyll faylleth/ there ofte tymes the\ncytees ben betrayed and destroyed/ And Plato sayth That the comyn\nthynges and the cytees ben blessid whan they ben gouerned by wyse men/\nor whan the gouernours studye in wisedom/ And so hit apperteyneth to the\ncomyn to lerne to vttre the maters & the maner of procuracion to fore\nthey be counceyllours/ For hit happeth oftetymes that he that maketh hym\nwyser that he vnderstandeth is made more foole than he is/ And the\nfourth cause wherfore y't ther ben in the tabler as many poynts wyde as\nben full. hit is to wete for that they what euer they be that haue peple\nto gouerne/ ought tenforce to haue cytees & caftellis & possessions for\nto sette his peple theryn/ And for to laboure & doo their ocupacion/ For\nfor to haue the name of a kynge with out royame is a name voyde/ and\nhonour with oute prouffit/ And alle noblesse wyth oute good maners/ and\nwith out suche thinges as noblesse may be mayntenyd/ ought better be\ncallid folye than noblesse. And shamefull pouerte is the more greuous\nwhan hit cometh by nature of an hyhe and noble burth or hous. For noman\ngladly wole repreue a poure man of the comyn peple/ But euery man hath\nin despite a noble man that is poure yf he haue not in hym good maners\nand vertuous/ by whiche his pouerte is forgoten/ and truly a royame with\noute haboundance of goodes by whiche hit may be gouerned and prospere/\nmay better be callyd a latrocynye or a nest of theeuys than a royame/\nAlas what haboundance was some tymes in the royames. And what pros\u00feite/\nIn whiche was Iustice/ And euery man in his office contente/ how stood\nthe cytees that tyme in worship and renome/ how was renomed the noble\nroyame of Englond Alle the world dredde hit And spack worship of hit/\nhow hit now standeth and in what haboundance I reporte me to them that\nknowe hit yf ther ben theeuis wyth in the royame or on the see/ they\nknowe that laboure in the royame And sayle on the see I wote well the\nfame is grete therof I pray god saue that noble royame And sende good\ntrue and politicque counceyllours to the gouernours of the same &c./ And\nnoblesse of lignage wyth oute puyssance and might is but vanyte and\ndespite. And hit is so as we haue sayd to fore that theschequer whiche\nthe philosopher ordeyned represented and figured the sayd cyte of\nBabilone And in lyke wyse may hit figure a royame and signefye alle the\nworld And yf men regarde and take heed vnto the poyntes vnto the middes\nof euery quadrante and so to double euery quadrant to other the myles of\nthis cyte all way doublinge vnto the nombre of .lxiiii. The nombre of\nthe same shulde surmounte alle the world/ And not only the world but\nmany worldes by the doublinge of mylis/ whiche doublinge so as a fore is\nsayd shuld surmounte alle thynges/ And thus endeth the first chapitre of\nthe fourth booke.\n[Illustration]\n_The seconde chaitre of the fourth tractate tretheth of the draught of\nthe kynge/ And how he meuyth hym in the chequer._\nWe ought to knowe that in this world/ the kynges seygnourye and regne\neche in his royame. And in this playe we ought to knowe by the nature of\nhit how the kynge meueth hym and yssueth oute of his place/ For y'e shall\nvnderstande that he is sette in the fourth quadrante or poynt of\ntheschequer. And whan he is black/ he standeth in the white/ and the\nknyght on his ryght side in white/ And the Alphyn and the rooke in\nblack/ And on the lifte side the foure holden the places opposite/ And\nthe rayson may be suche/ For be cause that the knyghtes ben the glorye &\nthe crowne of the kynge,' They ensiewe in semblable residence/ that they\ndoo whan they ben sette semblably on the ryght side of the kynge & on\nthe lyfte side of the quene/ And for as moche as the rook on the ryght\nsyde is vicayre of the kynge he accompanyeth the quene in semblable\nsiege that the Alphyn doth whiche is Iuge of the kynge/ And in lyke wyse\nthe lifte rook & the lyfte Alphyn accompanye the kynge in semblable\nsiege/ In suche wyse as they ben sette aboute the kynge in bothe sides\nwyth the Quene in manere of a crowne/ That they may seurely kepe the\nroyame that reluyseth and shyneth in the kynge and in the Quene/ In\nsuche wyse as they may conferme and diffende hym in theyr sieges and in\ntheyr places. And the more hastily renne vpon his enemyes And for as\nmoche as the Iuge, the knyght/ and the vicaire. kepe and garnysshe the\nkynge on that one syde/ They that ben sette on the other syde kepe the\nQuene/ And thus kepe they alle the strength and fermete of the royame/\nAnd semblably otherwhile for to ordeyne the thynges that apperteyne to\nthe counceyll/ and to the besoygne of the royame/ For yf eche man shold\nentende to his owen proper thynges/ And y't they defended not ner toke\nhede vnto the thingis y't apperteynen to the kynge to the comyn and to\nthe royame/ the royalme shold an[=o]n be deuided in parties And thus\nmyght the Iuge regne/ And the name of the dignyte royall shold be lost/\nAnd truly for as moche as the kynge holdeth the dignyte aboue alle other\nand the seygnourye royall/ therfore hit apperteyneth not that he absente\nhym longe/ ne wythdrawe hym ferre by space of tyme from the maister\nsiege of his royame/ For whan he wele meue hym/ he ought not to passe at\nthe first draught the nombre of .iii. poynts/ And whan he begynneth thus\nto meue from his whyt poynt/ he hath the nature of the rooks of the\nright syde and of the lifte syde for to goo black or whithe/ And also he\nmay goo vnto the white poynt where the gardes of the Cyte ben sette And\nin this poynt he hath the nature of a knyght. And thyse two maners of\nmeuynge apperteyneth otherwhile to the quene/ and for as moche as the\nkynge and the quene that ben conioyned to geder by mariage ben one\nthynge as one flessh and blood/ therfore may the kynge meue on the lifte\nside of his propre poynt also wele as he were sette in the place of the\nquene whiche is black/ and whan he goth right in maner of the rook only/\nAnd hit happen that the aduersarie be not couered in ony poynt in the\nseconde ligne/ The kynge may not passe from his black poynt vnto the\nthirde ligne/ And thus he sortisith the nature of the rook on the ryght\nsyde and lyfte syde vnto the place of the knyghtes and for to goo ryght\nto fore In to the whyte poynt to fore the marchant/ And the kynge also\nsortyst the nature of the knyghtes whan he goth on the ryght syde in two\nmaners/ For he may put hym in the voyde space to fore the phisicyen/ And\nin the black space to fore the tauerner/ And on the other side he goth\nin to other two places in lyk wise that is to fore the smyth/ and the\nnotarye/ And thus as in goynge out first in to .iiii. poynts he sorteth\nthe nature of knyghtes/ and also the kynge sortiseth the nature of the\nalphins at his first yssu in to .ii. places And he may goo on bothe\nsides vnto the white place voyde/ that one to fore y'e smith on that on\nside/ and that other to for the tauerner on that other side/ All these\nyssues hath y'e kyng out of his propre place of his owen vertue whan he\nbegynneth to meue. But whan he is ones meuyd fro his propre place/ He\nmay not meue but in to one space or poynt/ and so from one to an other/\nAnd than he sortiseth the nature of the comyn peple/ and thus by good\nright he hath in hymfelf the nature of alle/ For alle the vertue that is\nin the membres cometh of the heed and all meuyng of the body/ The\nbegynnynge & lyf comen from the herte/ And all the dignyte that the\nsubgettes haue by execucion/ and contynuell apparence of their meuynge &\nyssue/ The kynge deteyneth hit & is attribued to hym/ the victorye of\nthe knightes/ the prudence of y'e Iuges/ the auctorite of the vicaires\nor legates The c[=o]tynence of the quene/ the c[=o]corde & vnyte of y'e\npeple Ben not all thise thinges ascribed vnto the honour and worship of\nthe kynge Jn his yssue whan he meuyd first The thirde ligne to fore the\npeple he neuer excedeth/ Fro in the .iii. nombre alle maner of states\nbegynne to meue For the trynary nombre conteyneth .iii. parties/ whiche\nmake a perfect nombre/ For a trynarye nombre hath. i. ii. iii. Whiche\nIoyned to geder maken .vi. Whiche is the first parfyt nombre And\nsignefieth in this place/ vi. persones named that constitute the\n\u00fefection of a royame That is to wete the kynge. the quene. Iuges,\nknyghtes. the vicaires or legats/ and the comyn peple And therfor the\nkynge ought to begynne in his first meuynge of .iii. poyntes/ that he\nshewe perfection of lyf as well in hym self as in other After that the\nkynge begynneth to meue he may lede wyth hym the quene/ after the maner\nof his yssue For why the quene foloweth vnto two angularye places/ after\nthe maner of the alphyn/ and to a place indirect in the maner of a rook\nin to the black poynt to fore the phisicien/ herin is signefied that the\nwomen may not meue neyther make vowes of pylgremage ner of viage\nwythoute the wylle of theyr husbondes/ For yf a woman had a vowed ony\nthynge/ her husbonde lyuynge/ and agaynsaynge/ she may not yelde ne\naccomplisshe her vowe/ yf the husbond wyll goo oughwer. he may well goo\nwyth oute her And yf so be that the husbond wyll haue her wyth hym/ she\nis bounden to folowe hym/ And by reson For a man is the heed of a woman/\nand not econuerso/ For as to suche thingis as longe to patrymony/ they\nben lyke/ but the man hath power ouer her body/ And so hath not the\nwoman ouer his And therfore whan the kynge begynneth to meue. the Quene\nmay folowe/ And not alleway whan she meuyd it is no nede the kynge to\nmeue/ For why four the first lignes be with in the limytes and space of\nthe royame/ And vnto the thirde poynt the kynge may meue at his first\nmeuynge out of his propre place/ And whan he passith the fourth ligne he\ngoeth oute of his royame. And yf he passe oon poynt late hym beware/ For\nthe persone of a kynge Is acounted more than a thousand of other/ For\nwhan he exposeth hym vnto the paryllis of bataylle/ Hit is necessarye\nthat he goo temperatly and slyly/ For yf he be taken or ded/ or ellis\nInclusid and shette vp/ Alle the strengthes of alle other faylle and\nalle Is fynysshid and loste/ And therfore he hath nede to goo and meue\nwysely/ And also therfore he may not meue but one poynt after hys fyrst\nmeuynge but where that euer he goo foreward or bacward or on that one\nsyde or that other or ellis cornerwyse/ He may neuer approche hys\naduersarye the kynge nerrer than in the thirde poynt/ And therfore the\nkynges in batayll ought neuer tapproche one nyghe that other/ And also\nwhan the kynge hath goon so ferre that alle his men be lost/ than he is\nsole/ And than he may not endure longe whan he is brought to y't\nextremyte/ And also he ought to take hede that he stande not soo that a\nknyght or an other saith chek rook/ than the kyng loseth y'e rook/ That\nkynge is not well fortunat that leseth hym to whom his Auctoryte\ndelegate apperteyneth/ who may doo the nedes of the royame yf he be\npriuyd taken or dede/ that was prouisour of alle the royame/ he shall\nbere a sack on his hede that Is shette in a cyte/ And alle they that\nwere theryn ben taken in captiuite and shette vp &c.\n[Illustration]\n_The seconde chapiter of the fourth book of the quene and how she\nyssueth oute of her place._ [Transcriber's note: The printer's\nerror in the original text, labeling the third chapter as \"The\nseconde chapiter\" is preserved here.]\nWhan the Quene whiche is accompanyed vnto the kynge begynneth to meue\nfrom her propre place/ She goth in dowble manere/ that is to wete as an\nAlphyn whan she is black/ fhe may goo on the ryght syde & come in to the\npoynt to fore the notarye And on the lifte syde in the black poynt and\ncome to fore the gardees of the cyte And hit is to wete that me\nsortiseth in her self the nature in .iii. maners first on the ryght syde\nto fore the alphyn/ Secondly on the lifte syde where the knyght is/ And\nthirdly indirectly vnto the black poynt to fore the phisicyen And the\nrayson why. Is for as moche as she hath in her self by grace/ the\nauctrorite that the rooks haue by c[=o]myscion/ For she may gyue &\ngraute many thynges to her subgetts graciously And thus also ought she\nto haue parfyt wisedom/ as the alphyns haue whiche ben Iuges/ as hit\nsayd aboue in the chapitre of the Quene/ And she hath not the nature of\nknyghtes/ And hit is not fittynge ne couenable thynge for a woman to goo\nto bataylle for the fragilite and feblenes of her/ And therfore holdeth\nshe not the waye in her draught as the knyghtes doon/ And whan she is\nmeuyd ones oute of her place she may not goo but fro oon poynt to an\nother and yet cornerly whether hit be foreward or backward takynge or to\nbe taken/ And here may be axid why the quene goth to the bataylle wyth\nthe kynge/ certainly it is for the solace of hym/ and ostencion of loue/\nAnd also the peple desire to haue sucession of the kynge And therfore\nthe tartaris haue their wyues in to the felde with hem/ yet hit is not\ngood that men haue theyr wyuys with hem/ but that they abyde in the\ncytees or within their owne termes/ For whan they ben oute of theyr\ncytees and limytes they ben not sure/ but holden suspecte/ they shold be\nshamfast and hold alle men suspect/ For dyna Iacob's doughter as longe\nas she was in the hows of her brethern/ she kept her virginite/ But\nassone as she wente for to see the strange Regyons. Anone she was\ncorrupt and defowled of the sone of sichem/ Seneca sayth that the women\nthat haue euyll visages ben gladly not chaste/ but theyr corage desireth\ngladly the companye of men/ And Solynus saith that no bestes femellys\ndesyre to be towched of theyr males whan they haue conceyuyd/ Exept\nwoman whyche ought to be a best Raysonable/ And in thys caas she lefeth\nher rayson/ And Sidrac wythnesseth the same And therfore in the olde\nlawe/ the faders hadd dyuerce wyues and Ancellys to thende whan one was\nwyth childe/ they myght take another/ They ought to haue the visage\nenclyned for teschewe the fight of the men/ that by the fight they be\nnot meuyd with Incontynence and diffame of other/ And Ouyde sayth that\nther ben some That how well that they eschewe the dede/ yet haue they\ngrete Joye whan they ben prayed/ And therfore ought the good women flee\nthe curyositees and places wher they myght falle in blame and noyse\nof the peple.\n[Illustration]\n_The fourth chapitre of the fourth book Is of the yssuynge of the\nAlphyn._\nThe manere and nature of the draught of the Alphyn is suche/ that he\nthat is black in his propre fiege is sette on the right side of the\nkynge/ And he that is whyt is sette on the lifte side/ And ben callyd\nand named black and white/ But for no cause that they be so in subftance\nof her propre colour/ But for the colour of the places in whiche they\nben sette/ And alleway be they black or white/ whan they ben sette in\ntheyr places/ the alphyn on the ryght syde/ goynge oute of his place to\nthe ryght sydeward comyth to fore the labourer/ And hit is reson that\nthe Iuge ought to deffende and kepe the labourers and possessions whiche\nben in his Iurisdiction by alle right and lawe/ And also he may goo on\nthe lyste syde to the wyde place to fore the phisicien/ For lyke as the\nphisiciens haue the charge to hele the Infirmites of a man/ In lyke wyse\nhaue the Iuges charge to appese alle stryues and contencions and reduce\nvnto vnyte/ And to punyfshe and correcte causes crymynels/ The lyste\nalphyn hath also two wayes fro his owen place oon toward y'e right syde\nvnto the black space voyde to fore the marchant/ For the marchants nede\nofte tymes counceylle and ben in debate of questions whiche muste be\ndetermyned by the Iuges/ And that other yssue is vnto the place to fore\nthe rybauldis/ And that ys be caufe that ofte tymes amonge them. falle\nnoyses discencions thefte and manslaghter/ wherfore they ought to be\npunysshid by the Iuges/ And y'e shall vnderstande that the alphyn goth\nalleway corner wyse fro the thirde poynt to the thirde poynt kepynge all\nway his owne fiege/ For yf he be black/ he goth all way black/ And yf he\nbe whyte he goth alleway whyte. the yssue or goynge cornerly or\nangularly signefieth cautele or fubtylyte/ whiche Iuges ought to haue/\nThe .iii. poyntes betoken .iii. thynges that the Iuge ought to attende/\nA Iuge ought to furder rightfull & trewe causes. secondly he ought to\ngyue trewe counceyll/ and thirdly he ought to gyue and Iuge rightfull\nsentences after tha legeances/ And neuer to goo fro the ryghtwisnes of\nthe lawe/ And it is to wete that the Alphyn goth in fix drawhtes alle\nthe tablier round aboute/ and that he cometh agayn in to his owen place/\nAnd how be hit that alle rayson and good perfection shold be in a kynge/\nyet ought hit also specially be in them that ben conceyllours of the\nkynge and the Quene And the kynge ought not to doo ony thynge doubtouse/\ntyll he haue axid counceyll of his Iuges And of the sages of the royame\nAnd therfore ought the Iuge to be parfaytly wyse and sage as well in\nscience as in good maners/ And that is signefied whan they meue from\nthre poynts in to thre/ For the fixt nombre by whiche they goo alle\ntheschequer/ And brynge hem agayn in to her propre place in suche wyse\nthat thende of her moeuynge is conioyned agayn to the begynnynge of the\nplace frowhens they departed/ And therfore hit is callid a parfayt\nmoeuynge.\n[Illustration]\n_The fyfth chapitre of the fourth Tractate Is of the meuynge of the\nknyghtes._\nAfter the yssue of the Alphyns we shall deuyse to yow the yssue & the\nmoeuynge of the knyghtes/ And we saye that the knyght on the right syde\nis whyt/ And on the lifte syde black/ And the yssue and moeuynge of hem\nbothe is in one maner whan so is that the knyght on the ryght syde Is\nwhyt/ The lyfte knyght is black/ The moeuynge of hem is suche/ That the\nwhyte may goo in to the space of the alphyn/ as hit apperyth of the\nknyght on the right side that is whyte. And hath thre yssues fro his\nproper place/ one on his ryght syde in the place to fore the labourer/\nAnd hit is well reson that whan the labourer and husbonde man hath\nlaboured the feldes/ the knyghtes ought to kepe them/ to thentent that\nthey haue vitailles for them self and their horses/ The second yssue is\nthat he may meue hym vnto the black space to fore the notarye or draper.\nFor he is bounden to deffende and kepe them that make his vestementis &\ncouertours necessarye vnto his body. The thirde yssue is that he may go\non the lifte syde in to the place to fore y'e marchant whiche is sette to\nfore the kynge/ the whiche is black/ And the refon is for as moche as he\nought and is holden to deffende the kynge as well as his owen persone/\nwhan he passith the first draught/ he may goo foure wayes/ And whan he\nis in the myddes of the tabler he may goo in to .viii. places fondry/ to\nwhiche he may renne And in lyke wise may the lyste knyght goo whiche is\nblack and goth oute of his place in to white/ and in that maner goth the\nknyght fightynge by his myght/ and groweth and multiplieth in hys\npoyntis/ And ofte tymes by them the felde Is wonne or lost/ A knyghts\nvertue and myght is not knowen but by his fightynge/ and in his\nfightynge he doth moche harme for as moche as his myght extendeth in to\nfo many poyntis/ they ben in many peryllis in theyr fightynge/ And whan\nthey escape they haue the honour of the game And thus is hit of euery\nman the more vailliant/ the more honoured And he that meketh hym self\nofte tymes shyneth clerest.\n[Illustration]\n_The sixt chapitre of the fourth tractate treleth of the yssue of the\nrooks and of her progression._\nThe moeuynge and yssue of the rooks whiche ben vicairs of the kynge is\nsuche/ that the ryght rook is black and the lifte rook is whyte/ And\nwhan the chesse ben sette as well the nobles as the comyn peple first in\ntheir propre places/ The rooks by their propre vertue haue no wey to\nyssue but yf hyt be made to them by the nobles or comyn peple/ For they\nben enclosed in their propre sieges/ And the refon why is suche That for\nas moche as they ben vicaires lieutenants or comyssioners of the kynge/\nTheyr auctoryte is of none effecte to fore they yssue out/ And that they\nhaue begonne tenhaunce theyr office/ For as longe as they be within the\npalais of the kynge/ So longe may they not vse ne execute theyr\ncommyssion/ But anon as they yssue they may vse theyr auctorite/ And y'e\nshall vnderstande that their auctorite is grete/ for they represente the\n\u00fesone of the kynge/ and therfore where the tablier is voyde they may\nrenne alle the tablier/ In lyke wyse as they goon thurgh the royame/ and\nthey may goo as well white as black as well on the right side & lifte as\nforeward and backward/ And as fer may they renne as they fynde the\ntablier voyde whether hit be of his aduersaryes as of his owen\nfelowship/ And whan the rook is in the myddell of the tablier/ he may\ngoo whiche way he wyll in to foure right lignes on euery side/ and hit\nis to wete that he may in no wyse goo cornerwyse/ but allway ryght forth\ngoynge & comynge as afore is sayd/ wherfore all the subgettis of the\nkinge as well good as euyll ought to knowe by their moeuynge that\nauctorite of y'e vicaires and comyssioners ought to be verray true\nrightwis & Iuste/ and y'e shall vnderstande that they ben stronge and\nvertuous in bataylle For the two rooks only may vaynquyfshe a kynge\ntheyr aduersarye and take hym/ and take from hym his lyf and his royame/\nAnd this was doon whan chirus kynge of perse And darius kynge of medes\nslewe baltazar and toke his royame from hym. Whiche was neuew to\neuylmoradach vnder whom this game was founden.\n[Illustration]\n_The seuenth chapitre of the fourth book treteth of the yssue of the\ncomyn peple &c._\nOne yffue and one mouynge apperteyneth vnto alle the peple/ For they may\ngoo fro the poynt they stande in at the first meuynge vnto the thirde\npoynt right forth to fore them/ & whan they haue so don they may\nafterward meue no more but fro one poynt ryght forth in to an other/ And\nthey may neuer retorne backward And thus goynge forth fro poynt to poynt\nThey may gete by vertue and strengthe/ that thynge that the other noble\nfynde by dignyte/ And yf the knyghtes and other nobles helpe hem that\nthey come to the ferthest lygne to fore them where theyr aduersaryes\nwere sette. They acquyre the dignyte that the quene hath graunted to her\nby grace/ For yf ony of them may come to thys sayd ligne/ yf he be white\nas labourer draper phisicyen or kepar of the cyte ben/ they reteyne\nsuche dignyte as the quene hath/ for they haue goten hit/ and than\nretornynge agayn homeward/ they may goo lyke as it is sayd in the\nchapitre of the quene And yf ony of the pawns that is black/ as the\nsmyth the marchant the tauerner and the rybaulde may come wyth oute\ndomage in to the same vtterist ligne/ he shall gete by his vertu the\ndignyte of the black quene And y'e shall vnderftande/ whan thyse comyn\npeple meue right forth in her ligne/ and fynde ony noble persone or of\nthe peple of their aduersaries sette in the poynt at on ony side to fore\nhym/ In that corner poynt he may take his aduersarye wherther hit be on\nthe right side or on the lifte/ And the cause is that the aduersaries\nben suspecyous that the comyn peple lye In a wayte to Robbe her goodes\nor to take her persones whan they goo vpward right forth. And therfore\nhe may take in the right angle to fore hym one of his aduersaries/ As he\nhad espied his persone/ And in the lifte angle as robber of his goodes/\nand whether hit be goynge foreward or retornynge fro black to whyte or\nwhyte to black/ the pawn must allway goo in his right ligne/ and all way\ntake in the corner that he findeth in his waye/ but he may not goo on\nneyther side tyll he hath ben in the furdest ligne of theschequer/ And\nthat he hath taken the nature of the draughtes of the quene/ And than he\nis a fiers/ And than he may goo on alle sides cornerwyse fro poynt to\npoynt only as the quene doth fightynge and takynge whom he findeth in\nhis waye/ And whan he is thus comen to the place where y'e nobles his\naduersaries were sette he shall be named white fiers or black fiers/\nafter the poynt that he is in/ and there taketh he the dignyte of the\nquene &c. And all these thinges may appere to them that beholden y'e\nplay of the chesse/ and y'e shall vnderstande that no noble man ought to\nhaue despite of the comyn peple/ for hit hath ben ofte tymes seen/ that\nby their vertu & witte/ Diuerce of them haue comen to right highe &\ngrete astate as poopes bisshoppes Em\u00feerours and kynges/ As we haue in\nthe historye of Dauid that was made kynge/ of a shepherd and one of the\ncomyn peple/ and of many other &c. And in lyke wyse we rede of the\ncontrary/ that many noble men haue ben brought to myserye by their\ndefaulte As of gyges whiche was right riche of landes and of richesses\nAnd was so proude that he wente and demanded of the god appollo/ yf ther\nwere ony in the world more riche or more happy than he was/ and than he\nherde a voys that yssued out of the fosse or pitte of the sacrefices/\nthat a peple named agalaus sophide whiche were poure of goodes and riche\nof corage was more acceptable than he whiche was kynge And thus the god\nAppollo alowed more the sapience & the seurte of the poure man and of\nhis lityll mayne/ than he dide the astate and the persone of giges ne of\nhis ryche mayne/ And hit is more to alowe a lityll thynge seurly\npoursiewed than moche good taken in fere and drede And for as moche as a\nman of lowe lignage is by his vertue enhaunsed so moche the more he\nought to be glorious and of good renomee/ virgile that was born in\nlombardye of y'e nacion of mantua and was of lowe and symple lignage/\nyet he was souerayn in wisedom and science and the moste noble of alle\nthe poetes/ of whome the renome is and shall be durynge the world/ so\nhit happend that an other poete axid and demanded of hym wherfore he\nsetted not the versis of homere in his book/ And he answerd that he\nshold be of right grete strength and force that shold pluck the clubbe\nout of hercules handes/ And thys suffyceth the state and draughtis of\nthe comyn peple &c.\n[Illustration]\n_The eyght chapitre and the last of the fourth book of the epilogacion\nand recapitulation of this book._\nFor as moche as we see and knowe that the memorye of the peple is not\nretentyf but right forgetefull whan some here longe talis & historyes\nwhiche they can not alle reteyne in her mynde or recorde Therfore I haue\nput in this present chapitre all y'e thynges abouesayd as shortly as I\nhaue conne/ First this playe or game was founden in the tyme of\neuilmerodach kynge of Babilone/ And exerses the philosopher otherwyse\nnamed philometer fonde hit/ And the cause why/ was for the corre3tion of\nthe kynge lyke as hit apperith in thre the first chapitres/ for the said\nkynge was so tyrannous and felon that he might suffre no correction/ But\nslewe them and dide do put hem to deth/ that corre3tid hym/ and had than\ndo put to deth many right wyse men Than the peple beynge sorowfull and\nryght euyll plesid of this euyll lyf of the kynge prayd and requyred the\nphilosopher/ that he wolde repryse and telle the kynge of his folye/ And\nthan the philosopher answerd that he shold be dede yf he so dide/ and\nthe peple sayd to hym/ Certes thou oughtest sonner wille to dye to\nthende that thy renome myght come to the peple/ than the lyf of the\nkynge shold contynue in euyll for lacke of thy counceyll/ or by faulte\nof reprehension of the/ or that thou darst not doo and shewe/ that thou\nfaist/ And whan the philosopher herd this he promisid to the peple y't\nhe wold put hym in deuoyr to correcte hym/ and than he began to thynke\nin what maner he myght escape the deth and kepe to the peple his\npromesse/ And than thus he made in this maner and ordeyned the schequer\nof. lxiiii. poynts as Is afore sayd/ And dide doo make the forme of\nchequers of gold and siluer In humayne fygure after the facyons and\nformes as we haue dyuysid and shiewid to yow to fore in theyr chapitres/\nAnd ordeyned the moeuynge and thestate after that it is said in the\nchapitres of theschesses And whan the philosopher had thus ordeyned the\nplaye or game/ and that hit plesid alle them that sawe hit/ on a tyme as\nthe philosopher playd on hit/ the kynge cam and sawe hit and desired to\nplaye at this game/ And than the phylosopher began tenseigne and teche\nthe kynge the science of the playe & the draughtes. Saynge to hym fyrst\nhow the kynge ought to haue in hymself pytie. debonairte and rightwisnes\nas hit is said to fore in the chapitre of the kynge And he enseygned to\nhym the estate of the queue and what maners she ought to haue And than\nof the alphyns as connceyllours and luges of the royame And after the\nnature of the knyghtes/ how they ought to be wise. trewe and curtoys and\nalle the ordre of knyghthode And than after/ the nature of the vicaires\n& rooks as hit apperyth in theyr chappitre And after this how the comyn\npeple ought to goo eche in his office/ And how they ought to serue the\nnobles. And whan the philosopher had thus taught and enseigned the kynge\nand his nobles by the maner of the playe and had rephended hym of his\neuyll maners/ The kynge demanded hym vpon payne of deth to telle hym the\ncause why and wherfore he had made & founden thys playe and game And\nwhat thynge meuyd hym therto/ And than the philosopher constrayned by\nfere and drede answerd/ that he had promysid to the peple whiche had\nrequyred hym that he shold correcte and reprise the kynge of his euyll\nvices/ but for as moche as he doubtid the deth and had seen that the\nkynge dide do flee the fages & wyse men/ That were so hardy to blame hym\nof his vices/ he was in grete anguysshe & sorowe/ how he myght fynde a\nmaner to correcte & reprehende the kynge/ And to saue his owen lyf/ and\nthus he thought longe & studyed that he fonde thys game or playe/ Whiche\nhe hath do sette forth for to amende and corre3te the lyf of the kynge\nand to change his maners/ and he adioustyd with all that he had founden\nthis game for so moche as the lordes and nobles habondynge in delyces &\nrichessis/ And enioynge temporell peas shold eschewe ydlenes by playnge\nof this game/ And for to gyue hem cause to leue her pensisnes and\nsorowes/ In auysynge & studyynge this game. And whan the kynge had herd\nalle thyse causes/ He thought that the philosopher had founde a good\nmaner of correction/ And than he thanketh hym gretly/ and thus by\nthenseygnement and lernynge of the phylosopher he changid his lyf his\nmaners & alle his euyll condicions And by this maner hit happend that\nthe kynge that to fore tyme had ben vicyous and disordynate in his\nliuyng was made Iuste. and vertuous. debonayre. gracious and and full of\nvertues vnto alle peple/ And a man that lyuyth in this world without\nvertues liueth not as a man but as a beste[56]/ And therfore my ryght\nredoubted lord I pray almighty god to saue the kyng our souerain lord &\nto gyue hym grace to yssue as a kynge & tabounde in all vertues/ & to be\nassisted with all other his lordes in such wyse y't his noble royame of\nEnglond may prospere & habounde in vertues/ and y't synne may be\neschewid iustice kepte/ the royame defended good men rewarded\nmalefa3tours punysshid & the ydle peple to be put to laboure that he\nwyth the nobles of the royame may regne gloriously In conquerynge his\nrightfull enheritaunce/ that verray peas and charite may endure in bothe\nhis royames/ and that marchandise may haue his cours in suche wise that\neuery man eschewe synne/ and encrece in vertuous occupacions/ Praynge\nyour good grace to resseyue this lityll and symple book made vnder the\nhope and shadowe of your noble protection by hym that is your most\nhumble seruant/ in gree and thanke And I shall praye almighty god for\nyour longe lyf & welfare/ whiche he preserue And sende yow\nthaccomplisshement of your hye noble. Ioyous and vertuous desirs Amen:/:\nFynysshid the last day of marche the yer of our lord god. a. thousand\nfoure honderd and lxxiiii\n[Footnote 1: Blades' \"Life of Caxton,\" ii., 12.]\n[Footnote 2: Mr. Blades enumerates only ten, but between the publication\nof his work in 1863 and the appearance in 1880 of a more popular one, an\neleventh copy turned up. It is described further on. As both editions of\nMr. Blades' book are frequently cited, it may be stated here that where\nthe reference is to the page only, the one volume edition of 1880\nis meant.]\n[Footnote 3: Blades, ii., 12.]\n[Footnote 4: Van der Linde, \"Geschichte und Literatur des Schachspiels,\"\n[Footnote 5: Blades, ii., 48.]\n[Footnote 6: Blades, ii., 97.]\n[Footnote 7: Blades, ii., 95.]\n[Footnote 8: Dibdin's \"Bibliotheca Spenceriana,\" iv., 195.]\n[Footnote 9: See Prosper Marchand, \"Dict. Hist.,\" t. i., p. 181.]\n[Footnote 10: \"Les Biblioth\u00e9ques Fran\u00e7oises de La Croix du Maine et de\nDu Verdier.\" n. e. Paris, 1782, t. i., p. 493.]\n[Footnote 11: Dr. Van der Linde, \"Geschichte,\" 114.]\n[Footnote 12: Cf. Van der Linde, \"Geschichte,\" and his \"Jartausend.\"]\n[Footnote 13: Jaubert, cited by Van der Linde, \"Geschichte,\" t. i., p.\n[Footnote 14: Blades' \"Caxton,\" 173-175.]\n[Footnote 15: Blades, i., 166.]\n[Footnote 16: \"Geschichte,\" i., 29. There is a manuscript copy in the\nChetham Library, Manchester, which he does not name. It came from the\nFarmer Collection, and is in a volume containing a number of fifteenth\ncentury Latin tracts. See account of European MSS. in the Chetham\nLibrary, Manchester, by James Orchard Halliwell, F.R.S., Manchester,\n[Footnote 17: \"Bulletin du Bibliophile,\" 1836-1837, 2i\u00e8me serie, p.\n[Footnote 18: \"Academy,\" July 12, 1881.]\n[Footnote 19: Blades' \"Life of Caxton,\" vol. ii., p. 9.]\n[Footnote 20: \"De regimine Principum,\" a poem by Thomas Occleve, written\nin the reign of Henry IV. Edited, for the first time, by Thomas Wright,\nEsq., M.A., F.S.A., &c. Printed for the Roxburghe Club. London: J. B.\n[Footnote 21: Warton's \"History of English Poetry,\" 1871, iii., 44.]\n[Footnote 22: The fires of purgatory are finely and amply illustrated in\nthe story at p. 110, whilst the power of the saints and the value of\npilgrimages would be impressed upon the hearers by the narrative of the\nmiracles wrought by St. James of Compostella (p. 136)]\n[Footnote 23: \"Hist. of Siege of Troye.\"]\n[Footnote 24: \"Works of Polidore Virgil.\" London, 1663, p. 95.]\n[Footnote 25: Gr\u00e6sse: Tr\u00e9sor, s.v. Sydrach. See also Warton's \"History\nof English Poetry,\" 1871, vol. ii., p. 144, Hazlitt's \"Handbook of Early\nEnglish Literature,\" p. 43.]\n[Footnote 26: Hoeffer: \"Nouvelle Biographie Universelle.\"]\n[Footnote 27: Hoeffer, \"Nouvelle Biographie G\u00e9n\u00e9rale,\" xxxiii. 818.]\n[Footnote 28: Brunei, \"Manuel du Libraire,\" s. v. Gesta.]\n[Footnote 29: \"Gesta Romanorum,\" edited by Herrtage. London, 1879, p.\nvii.]\n[Footnote 30: Occleve, \"De Regimine Principum,\" p. 199.]\n[Footnote 31: \"Curiosities of Search Room.\" London, 1880, p. 32.]\n[Footnote 32: \"Percy Anecdotes: Domestic Life,\" iv. 446.]\n[Footnote 33: Dunlop, \"History of Fiction,\" 1876, p. 259.]\n[Footnote 34: \"Latin Stories,\" edited by Thomas Wright. Percy Society,\n[Footnote 35: See \"Gesta Romanorum,\" edit, by Herrtage, p. 364.]\n[Footnote 36: \"On Two Collections of Medi\u00e6val Moralized Tales,\" by John\nK. Ingram, LL.D. Dublin, 1882, p. 137.]\n[Footnote 37: Muratori: \"Rerum Italicarum Scriptores,\" t. i. p. 465.]\n[Footnote 38: Wright, \"Latin Stories,\" p. 235.]\n[Footnote 39: \"Francis of Assisi,\" Mrs. Oliphant. London, 1874, p. 87.]\n[Footnote 40: \"Valerius Maximus,\" vi. 2, 3.]\n[Footnote 41: It will be sufficient here to refer for further details to\nthe following works:--\"Geschichte und Literatur des Schachspiels,\" von\nAntonius van der Linde, Berlin, 1874, 2 vols.; \"Quellenstudien zur\nGefchichte des Schachspiels,\" von Dr. A. v.d.Linde, Berlin, 1881.]\n[Footnote 42: This dedication is omitted in the second edition.]\n[Footnote 43: Second edit. reads \"Thossyce of notaries/ aduocates\nscriueners and drapers and clothmakers capitulo iii\"]\n[Footnote 44: Sec. edit. reads \"The forme of phisiciens leches spycers\nand appotycaryes\"]\n[Footnote 45: Sec. edit. \"Of tauerners hostelers & vitaillers\"]\n[Footnote 46: Sec. edit. \"Of kepers of townes Receyuers of custum and\ntollenars\"]\n[Footnote 47: Sec. edit. \"Of messagers currours Rybauldes and players at\nthe dyse\"]\n[Footnote 48: \"democrite\" in the sec. edit.]\n[Footnote 49: \"beclyppe\" in sec. edit.]\n[Footnote 50: \"demotene\" in sec. edit.]\n[Footnote 51: \"demostenes\" in sec. edit.]\n[Footnote 52: \"blisful\" in the sec. edit.--The reading of the first\nedition is evidently a misprint.]\n[Footnote 53: Sec. edit. \"buneuentayns.\"]\n[Footnote 54: sec. edit, \"y nough.\"]\n[Footnote 55: sec. edit. \"by the martel or hamer.\"]\n[Footnore 55: \"And therfore &c.\" to the end, is wanting in the second\nedition, and, instead thereof, the treatife concludes in the\nfollowing manner--\n\"Thenne late euery man of what condycion he be that redyth or herith\nthis litel book redde take therby enfaumple to amende hym.\nExplicit per Caxton.\"]\nGLOSSARY\nAas; ace.\nAduocacions; Latin _advocationis_, assembly of advocates, the bar.\nAgaynesaynge; gain-saying.\nAlphyns. The alphin, or elephant, was the piece answering to the bishop\n   in the modern game of chess.\nAmeruaylled; astonished.\nAmple, ampole; Latin _ampulla_, vessel for holding liquids.\nAncellys; Latin _ancilla_, handmaids, concubines.\nAppertly; openly.\nAppetissid; satisfied, satiated.\nArdautly [ardantly]; ardently.\nArrache; French _arracher_, to pull, to pluck.\nAuenture; adventure.\nAxe; ask.\nBarate; trouble, suffering.\nBeaulte; beauty.\nBenerous; French _b\u00e9nir_, blessed.\nBesaunt; besant, a Byzantine gold coin.\nBeneurte; French _bonheur_, good fortune.\nBole; bull.\nBourdellys; brothels, stews.\nButters; freebooters.\nButyn; French _butin_, plunder, spoils.\nChamberyer; Chambrere; woman servant, concubine.\nChequer; chefs-board.\nChauffed; French _\u00e9chauffer_, to warm.\nCompaignon; French _compagnon_, companion.\nConnynge; cunning, knowledge.\nCorrompith; French _corrompre_, to corrupt.\nCouenable; French _convenable_, proper, fit.\nCourrours; French _coureurs_, runners, messengers.\nCuratours; guardians, trustees.\nDampned; condemned.\nDebonairly; debonairte, French de ban air, in a good manner, with good\n   will.\nDepesshed; French depecher, defpatched.\nDeporte; deport.\nDevour; French devoir, duty.\nDismes; Latin decimal, tenths, or tithes.\nDisobeyfance; disobedience.\nDifpendynge; spending.\nDistemprance; intemperance.\nDolabre; Latin dolabra, axe, pick-axe.\nDoubted; redoubted, of doughty.\nDrawhtes; draughts, movements.\nDrof; drove.\nDronkelewe; drunkenness.\nDronkenshyp; drunkenness.\nDyse; dice.\nEnbrasid; embraced.\nEnpessheth; French emp\u00e9cher, to forbid.\nEnpoigne; French empoigner, to take in hand.\nEnfeygned; French enfeigner, to teach.\nEschauffed; French \u00e9chauffer, to warm.\nEsmoued; French \u00e9mouvoir, to move.\nEspicers; French epicier.\nEspryfed; French epris, taken.\nEwrous, in; French heureuse, happy.\nFeet; French fait, act, feat.\nFerremens. See Serremens.\nFlessly; fleshily.\nFolelarge; prodigal, extravagant.\nFumee; French fumee, smoke, vapour.\nGarnyfche; garnish, adorn, set off.\nGenere; general.\nGoddes man; godsman, saint or religious person.\nGossibs; gossyb; gossips, gossip.\nGree; French gr\u00e9, liking.\nGrucche; grudge.\nGuarisshors; French gu\u00e8rir, to cure.\nHauoyr; French avoir, possessions.\nHerberowe; harbour.\nHistoriagraph; historian.\nHoos; hoarse.\nIape; jape, trick.\nJolye, lvii; fine (French joli).\nKeruars; carvers.\nLanged; belonged.\nLatrocynye; Latin latrocinium.\nLecherye; lechery.\nLetted; prevented.\nMale; mail, trunk.\nMaleheurte; French malheur, misfortune, sorrow.\nMaronners; mariners.\nMartel; hammer.\nMeure; French moeurs, manners.\nMordent; biting.\nMortifyed;  mortified, deadened.\nMufyque; mufic.\nNonne; nun.\nNoye; annoyance.\nOeuurages; French outrages, works.\nOftencion; show.\nOlefauntes; elephants.\nOughwer; over.\nOultrage; outrage.\nPardurable; everlasting.\nParfyt; French parfait, perfeft.\nPawon; pawn.\nPayringe; \"without a pareing,\" i.e. undiminished.\nPeages; peagers; French p\u00e9age, p\u00e9ager. A local tax on merchandise in\n   paflage for the maintenance of roads and bridges. A gatherer of\n   the p\u00e9age.\nPensee; French pens\u00e9e, thought.\nPourueance; providence.\nRawe; rough.\nRenomee; renown.\nRoynyous; ruinous.\nRybauldes; ribalds.\nSaciat; satiated.\nSawlter; \u00fesalter.\nScawage; scavage, toll or tax.\nSemblant; French sembler, to appear, to seem.\nSerremens; cerements.\nSiege; feat.\nSlear; slayer.\nSpores; spurs.\nSpyncoppis; spiders.\nStracched; stretched.\nSupplye; French supplier, to supplicate.\nSyfe; fix.\nTacches; gifts, bequests. A. S. tacan, having the double meaning of\n   giving and taking.\nTapyte; carpet.\nTencyons; temptations.\nTrycheur; tricker.\nTryste; sad.\nTutours; tutors, guardians.\nVignours; vine-dresser.\nWetyngly; knowingly.\nYates; gates.\nYre; ire.\nAbel,\nAbner,\nAbsalom,\nAbstrastion,\nAbysay,\nAccusation, false,\nAdam,\nAdultery,\nAdversity,\nAdvocates,\n\u00c6gidius Romanus. See Colonna.\nAgyos,\nAlbert gauor,\nAlchorne library,\nAlexander,\nAlisander,\nAlixanander,\nAlphyn,\nAltagone,\nAmbrose, St.,\nAmity,\nAmmenhaufen,\nAmmomtes,\nAmos florus,\nAmphicrates,\nAnastatius,\nAnaximenes,\nAndrea, Giovanni,\nAnger,\nAnguissola,\nAnna,\nAnthonie,\nAnthonius,\nAnthony, St.,\nAnthonyus,\nAntigonus,\nAntonius,\nAntygone,\nApe,\nApollo,\nApollodorus,\nApothecaries,\nAquinas, St. Thomas,\nArchezille,\nArismetryque,\nArispe,\nAristides,\nAristippus,\nAristotle,\nArmour,\nAstronomy,\nAthenes,\nAubrey, John,\nAudley, Lord,\nAugustine, St.,\nAugustus, C\u00e6sar,\nAulus Gellius,\nAustyn, Saynt. See Augustine.\nAuycene,\nAuycenne,\nAvarice,\nAvicenna,\nAxedrez,\nBabylon and the Chess-board,\nBaldness of C\u00e6sar,\nBaltazar,\nBankes, Rev. Edw.,\nBarbers, women,\nBafille le grant,\nBasil, St.,\nBearers of letters,\nBeauty and chastity.\nBees,\nBegging,\nBeringen, H. von,\nBernard, W.,\nBernard, St.,\nBiblical allusions,\nBibliography of the Chess-book,\nBirds,\nBlades, William,\nBlindness, philosophical,\nBlind, raised letters for,\nBoasting,\nBocchus,\nBodleian Library,\nBody of Man a castle of Jefus,\nBoece,\nBoecius,\nBoethius,\nBoneuentan,\nBorrowing,\nBoys, R.,\nBreath, stinking,\nBrevio, Giovanni,\nBribery,\nBromyard, John of,\nBrudgys. See Bruges.\nBruges,\nBrunet, J.C.,\nBrutus,\nBurgundy, Duchess of,\nBull of copper,\nBulls,\nCadrus, duc of athenes,\nC\u00e6solis. See Cessoles.\nCain,\nCalderino, Giovanni,\nCalengius,\nCambridge Public Library,\nCambyfes,\nCantanus,\nCapayre,\nCarpenters,\nCarthage,\nCarvers,\nCassalis. See Cessoles.\nCassiodorus,\nCastle of Jesus Christ,\nCastulis. See Cessoles.\nCasulis. See Cessoles.\nCato,\nCauftons,\nCaxton, William,\n   prologue of Chess-book, epilogue, finished in 1474, his account of\n   the translation, printed at Bruges, translated from the French,\n   adapts De Vignay's dedications, translates Vegetius, chief dates of\n   his life, opinion of lawyers, epilogue to Chefs-book, editions of\n   it, representative of a new time for literature, at Ghent\nCaym.\nCesar.\nCesolis. See Cessoles.\nCessole. See Cessoles.\nCessoles, Jacques de.\nCessulis. See Cessoles.\nCesulis. See Cessoles.\nCezolis, de. See Cessoles.\nCezoli. See Cessoles.\nCham.\nChangers.\nCharlemagne.\nChastity.\nChequer.\nChess-book,\n   copies of first edition described; prices at which it has sold; where\n   printed; second edition described; when printed; prices at which it\n   has sold; translated from the French; Ferron's version; version in\n   French verse; De Vignay's version.\nChess, game of.\n-- how the board is made.\n-- manner of its invention.\n-- moralized.\n-- movements of pieces.\nChetham Library.\nChild hostages.\nChildren, ungrateful.\nChivalry.\nCicero.\nCities, guarding.\nClarence, George, Duke of.\nClaudian.\nClip.\nCloth cutters.\n-- merchants.\n-- workers.\nColatyne.\nColonna, Guido.\nCommon life.\nCommon people;\n   not to be despised; not to be at councils; those who have become\n   great.\n-- profit.\n-- weal.\nCommonwealth.\nCommunities.\nCommunity of goods.\nContemplation.\nContinence.\nConnaxa, Jehan.\nCordwainers.\nCossoles, de. See Cessoles.\nCouncil, women apt in.\nCourage.\nCourcelles, de. See Cessoles.\nCouriers.\nCovetousness.\nCrafts.\nCrete.\nCrime and punishment.\nCrown apostrophized.\nCruelty.\nCunliffe, H.\nCures, accidental and scientific.\nCurse.\nCursus.\nCurtius Marcus.\nCurtius Quintus.\nCustomary and natural law.\nCustomers.\nCyrurgyens.\nCyrus.\nDacciesole. See Cessoles.\nDamiani, Cardinal,\nDamiano,\nDamocles,\nDamon,\nDares (Darius),\nDaughters and their ancestresses,\nDaughter, dutiful,\nDavid,\nDeath,\n  from joy,\nDefence of the people,\nDefortes,\nDelves, Sir Thomas,\nDemetrius Phalerus,\nDemocrion,\nDemocritus,\nDemocritus of Abdera,\nDemothenes,\nDenys,\nDe Vignay. See Vignay.\nDevonshire, Duke of,\nDialogus creaturarum\nDibdin, T.F.,\nDice,\n  play for a foul,\nDidymus,\nDiogenes,\nDiogenes L\u00e6rtius,\nDiomedes,\nDiomedes, a \"theefe of the see,\"\nDion Cassius,\nDionysius,\nDionyse,\nDisobedient children,\nDivine right,\nDog and the Shadow,\nDrapers,\nDraughts of the Chess,\nDrunkenness,\n  danger of,\nDuele,\nDunlop, J.,\nDurand,\nDu Verdier,\nDydymus,\nDyers,\nDyna,\nDyonyse,\nEbert,\nEcclesiastes,\nEdward I.,\nEdward IV.,\nEducation of kings,\nEducation of physician,\nEgidius Romanus.  See Colonna.\nElection, or hereditary succession?\nElephants,\nElimandus,\nEmelie,\nEmmerancian,\nEmyon,\nEngland's good old times,\nEnulphus,\nEnvy,\nErmoaldus,\nEthics,\nEustace, Guillaum,\nEve,\nEvilmerodach,\nExample,\nFabian,\nFabius,\nFabricius,\nFaith,\nFaron. See Ferron.\nFear,\nFears of a tyrant,\nFeron. See Ferron.\nFerron, Jean,\nFevre, Raoul le,\nFidelity,\nFiggins, V.,\nFlorus,\nFolly\nFools\nForbes, D.\nForgers\nFornier\nFortune misdoubted\nFramosian\nFrancis of Assisi\nFrederick II.\nFriend in need\nFriends, many and few\n and enemies\nFriendship\nFrugality\nFullers\nGaguin, Robert\nGalen\nGaleren\nGalyene\nGame at Chesse\nGanazath, John of\nGaunt\nGauchay, H. de\nGauchy, H. de\nGaz\u00e9e, Angelin\nGenoa\nGeometry\nGereon, St.\nGesta Romanorum\nGhent, White-friars\nGibbet\nGifts\nGildo\nGilles de Rome. See Colonna.\nGluttony\nGodaches\nGodebert\nGolden Legend\nGoldsmiths\nGood old times\nGoribert\nGoribald\nGovernment of wise men\nGr\u00e6sse, J.G.T.\nGrammarians\nGregory Nazianzen\nGrenville Library\nGrymald\nGuards of cities\nGuests and hosts\nGuido\nGuilt not to be punished in wrath\nGuye\nGyles of Regement of Prynces\nGyges\nHain, Ludovici\nHakam II.\nHalliwell, J. O.\nHam\nHanniball\nHaroun-al-Rashid\nHate\nHazlitt, W. C.\nHealth\nHelemand. See Helinand.\nHelemond. See Helinand.\nHelemonde, See Helinand.\nHelimond. See Helinand.\nHelinand\nHelmond. See Helinand.\nHeredity, influence of\nHereford, N. de\nHermits\nHerodes Antipas\nHeredotus\nHerrtage, S. J.\nHippocrates\nHoeffer\nHolford, J.\nHoly Mawle\nHoly Scripture\nHomer\nHonesty\nHorse and the thief\nHospitallers\nHosts, duties of\nHound and the cheese\nHunger\n  and piety\nIdols\nIene (Genoa)\nInglis Library\nIngram, Prof.\nInns\nInns, thievish servants\nInstaulosus\nIntemperance\nJames of Compostella\nJaubert\nJean II. of France\nJehanne de Borgoigne\nJerome\nJoab\nJohn Baptist\nJohn of Ganazath\nJohn the Monke (Giovanni Andrea)\nJosephus\nJovinian\nJoy, its dangers\nJherome. See Jerome.\nJudas Machabeus\nJudges' duties\n  skin\nJugglers\nJulius C\u00e6sar\nJustice\nKeepers of towns\nKing, estate and duties of\n  should take council\n  unpleasantness of the office\nKings, unlettered\nKnight, education\n  estate and duties\nKnight's followers\nK\u00f6pke, Dr. E.\nLabourers' office and duties\nLa Croix du Maine\nLangley, John\nLarge, Alderman Robert\nLatrunculi\nLaws\n  like cobwebs\nLaw courts\nLawyers\nLear and his daughters\nLeber, C.\nLechery\nLegenda Aurea\nLegende Dor\u00e9e\nLending\nLetter-carriers\nLiberality\nLiber de Moribus Hominum. See Cessoles.\nLineage, high and low\nLinde, Dr. A. van\nLigurgyus\nLiterature\nLivy\nLogicians\nLot\nLove\nLove of the commonweal\nLove of nature\nLowndes, W. T.\nLoyalty\nLucan\nLucretia\nLuther\nLuxury\nLycurgus\nLydgate\nLying\nLyna\nLylimachus\nMacrobius\nMadden, Sir F.\nMainwaring, Sir H.\nMagnanimity\nMalechete\nMansion, Colard, teacher and partner of Caxton\nMarchand, Prosper\nMariners\nMarshals\nMartial\nMasons\nMeats and Drinks\nMedicines\nMennel, Dr. J.\nMeon\nMerchandise\nMerchant, anecdote\nMerchant, dishonest\nMerchant who valued his good name\nMerchants\nMerchants of Bandach and Egipte\nMerciall\nMerculian\nMercy\nMessengers\nMetalworkers\nMeung, Jehan de\n_Mollis Aer_\nMoney, its force\nMoneyers\nMoney-lenders,\n_Mulier_, derivation of\nMuratori\nMusic\nNatural laws\nNature, rule of\nNero\nNicephorus\nNoah\nNobility\nNoblemen\nNogaret\nNormandie, Duc de\nNotaries, office of\nNovella\nNun, anecdote of a\nOaths\nOaths of princes\nOccleve\nOctauian\nOddrale\nOffice no inheritance\nOffices\nOfficials\nOldbuck, Jonathan\nOriginality\nOsma, Bishop of\nOvid\nPalamedes\nPapirion\nPapirus\nParadise lost\nPardoning a mother for the daughter's sake\nPassage money\nPatharich\nPaul, St.\nPaul, the historiagraph\nPaulus, Diaconus\nPaulyne\nPawn\nPembroke, Earl of\nPenapion\nPercy Anecdotes\nPers Alphons. See Petrus Alphonsus\nPetit, L. M.\nPetrus Alphonsus,\nPhilarde,\nPhilip Augustus,\nPhilippe le Bel,\nPhilippe le Hardi,\nPhilomenus,\nPhilostratus,\nPhilometor,\nPhisias. See Pythias.\nPhysicians,\nPhysiognomy,\nPigmentaries,\nPilgrimages,\nPiron,\nPirre,\nPitman, Isaac,\nPity,\nPlaisters,\nPlato,\nPolygamy,\nPolygamy or polyandry?\nPompeye,\nPorters of gates,\nPorus,\nPoverty,\nPrinces' oaths and promises,\nPrisoners,\nProdigality,\nPromises,\nProverbs,\nPtolome,\nPublius Ceser,\nPurgatory,\nPyrrhus,\nPythias,\nQuaritch, Bernard,\nQuarrels,\nQueen, estate and duties,\nQuintilian,\nQuintus Catullus,\nReason,\nRegimine Principum. See Colonna.\nReligion,\nReligious communities,\nRenatus, Vegetius Flavius,\nReyna Vezina,\nRibalds,\nRiches,\nRivers,\nRobbers,\nRobbery,\nRomanus, Egidius. See Colonna.\nRomans, character of,\nRome, Gilles de. See Colonna.\nRook,\nRook, chess-piece,\nRooks, form and manners,\nSallust,\nScenocrates,\nSchoolmaster who betrays the children,\nScipio,\nScott, Sir Walter,\nScriveners,\nScylla,\nSecrets,\nSemiramis,\nSeneca,\nSeptemulle,\nServants,\nSesselis. See Cessoles.\nShakespeare,\nShamefastness,\nScheible, J.,\nShips and shipwrecks,\nSidrac,\nSlander,\nSloane, John,\nSmith, office and duty of,\nSmith, R.,\nSnuffy Davy,\nSobriety,\nSocrates,\nSolinus,\nSolomon,\nSolynus,\nSpeculum Laicorum,\nSpelling reform,\nSpencer, Earl,\nSpicers,\nStars and clouds,\nStephan,\nSt. James of Compostella,\nSuicide,\nSurgeons,\nSyrens, Fountain of the,\nSymmachus,\nSyrians,\nTacitus,\nTailors,\nTarascon, Bertrand de,\nTarchus,\nTarentum,\nTarpeia,\nTarquin,\nTartar women go to the wars,\nTassile,\nTaverners,\nTessalis. See Ceffoles.\nTessellis. See Ceffoles.\nThemes,\nThemistides,\nTheodorus Cyrenaicus,\nTheodosius,\nTheophrastus,\nTheryle,\nThessolonia, J. de. See Cessoles.\nThessolonica, J. de. See Cessoles.\nThessolus, J. de. See Cessoles.\nThieves,\nThievish inn servants,\nThobie,\nThorn's Anecdotes and Traditions,\nTiberius,\nTimon,\nTinque,\nTitus,\nToll-gatherers,\nTorture,\nTrajan,\nTreachery, 60, 61.\nTrevisa, John,\nTroy, and the invention of Chess,\nTroy-book,\nTruphes of the Philosophers,\nTrustee, dishonest,\nTruth,\nTullius. See Cicero.\nTurgeius Pompeius,\nTyranny,\nTyrus. See Cyrus.\nValere. See Valerius Maximus.\nValerian,\nValerius Maximus,\nValerye. See Valerius Maximus.\nVarro,\nVergil, Polydore,\nVespasian,\nVessels, earthen,\nVictory,\nVictuallers,\nVignay, Jehan de,\nVine legend,\nVirgil,\nVirginity,\nVisions,\nVitas Patrum\nVow of a woman\nWages should be paid punctually\nWar\nWarton, T.\nWarwick, George, Earl of\nWeavers\nWeft, J.\nWhite Friars at Ghent\nWilbraham, Roger\nWilson, \"Snuffy Davy\"\nWine\nWine forbidden to women\nWine, origin of\nWisdom\nWoollen merchants\nWorkmen\nWorkmen, office and duty\nWoman\n  advice\n  education\n  vow\n  and lawyers\n  dangers abroad\n  forbidden to drink wine\n  going to the wars\nWomen barbers\nWright, T.\nXanthipp\u00e9\nXenocrates\nXenophon\nXerxes the philosopher\nYlye\nYouth and government\nYpocras\nYsaye\nEnd of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Game and Playe of the Chesse, by Caxton\n*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GAME AND PLAYE OF THE CHESSE ***\n***** This file should be named 10672-0.txt or 10672-0.zip *****\nThis and all associated files of various formats will be found in:\n        https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/6/7/10672/\nProduced by Jonathan Ingram, Debra Storr and PG Distributed Proofreaders\nUpdated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions\nwill be renamed.\nCreating the works from public domain print editions means that no\none owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation\n(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without\npermission and without paying copyright royalties.  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+{"source_document": "", "creation_year": 1471, "culture": " English\n", "content": "Produced by Louise Hope, Greg Lindahl and the Online\nDistributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net\n[Transcriber\u2019s Note:\nThis text uses UTF-8 (Unicode) file encoding. If the apostrophes and\nquotation marks in this paragraph appear as garbage, make sure your\ntext reader\u2019s \u201ccharacter set\u201d or \u201cfile encoding\u201d is set to Unicode\n(UTF-8). You may also need to change the default font. As a last\nresort, use the Latin-1 version of the file instead.\nIn the main text, page divisions have been retained because page and\nbrackets]]. Page numbers in the Table of Contents are original.\nFurther details on format are at the end of the e-text, followed by\na list of errors noted by the transcriber. Numbering errors in the\nvocabulary lists are shown inline in [[double brackets]].]\n  Early English Text Society.\n  EXTRA SERIES, LXXIX.\n  Dialogues in French and English.\n  BY WILLIAM CAXTON.\n  (Adapted from a Fourteenth-Century Book of Dialogues\n  in French and Flemish.)\n  EDITED FROM CAXTON\u2019S PRINTED TEXT (ABOUT 1483), WITH\n  INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND WORD-LISTS,\n  BY\n  HENRY BRADLEY, M.A.,\n  _Joint-Editor of the New English Dictionary._\n  LONDON:\n  PUBLISHED FOR THE EARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY,\n  BY KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TR\u00dcBNER & CO., Ltd.\n  PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING CROSS ROAD.\n  MDCCCC.\n  _Price Ten Shillings._\n  BERLIN: ASHER & CO., 13, UNTER DEN LINDEN.\n  NEW YORK: C. SCRIBNER & CO.; LEYPOLDT & HOLT.\n  PHILADELPHIA: J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO.\n  Dialogues in French and English.\n  BY WILLIAM CAXTON.\n  (Adapted from a Fourteenth-Century Book of Dialogues\n  in French and Flemish.)\n  EDITED FROM CAXTON\u2019S PRINTED TEXT (ABOUT 1483), WITH\n  INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND WORD-LISTS,\n  BY\n  HENRY BRADLEY, M.A.,\n  _Joint-Editor of the New English Dictionary._\n  LONDON:\n  PUBLISHED FOR THE EARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY,\n  BY KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TR\u00dcBNER & CO., Ltd.\n  PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING CROSS ROAD.\n  M DCCCC.\nExtra Series, No. LXXIX.\nOXFORD: HORACE HART, M.A., PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY.\nINTRODUCTION.\nThe work now for the first time reprinted from Caxton\u2019s original edition\nhas been preserved in three copies. One of these is in the Library of\nRipon Cathedral, another in the Spencer Library, now at Manchester, and\nthe third at Bamborough Castle. A small fragment, consisting of pp.\n17-18 and 27-28, is in the Bodleian Library. The text of the present\nedition is taken from the Ripon copy. I have not had an opportunity of\nseeing this myself; but a type-written transcript was supplied to me by\nMr. John Whitham, Chapter Clerk of Ripon Cathedral, and the proofs were\ncollated with the Ripon book by the Rev. Dr. Fowler, Vice-Principal of\nBishop Hatfield\u2019s Hall, Durham, who was kind enough to re-examine every\npassage in which I suspected a possible inaccuracy. It is therefore\nreasonable to hope that the present reprint will be found to be a\nstrictly faithful representation of the original edition.\nThe earlier bibliographers gave to the book the entirely inappropriate\ntitle of \u2018Instructions for Travellers.\u2019 Mr. Blades is nearer the mark in\ncalling it \u2018A Vocabulary in French and English,\u2019 but, as it consists\nchiefly of a collection of colloquial phrases and dialogues, the\ndesignation adopted in the present edition appears to be preferable. As\nin other printed works of the same period, there is no title-page in the\noriginal edition, so that a modern editor is at liberty to give to the\nbook whatever name may most accurately describe its character. The name\nof Caxton does not occur in the colophon, which merely states that the\nwork was printed at Westminster; but the authorship is sufficiently\ncertain from internal evidence. On the ground of the form of type\nemployed, Mr. Blades inferred that the book was printed about 1483.\nHowever this may be, there are, as will be shown, decisive reasons for\nbelieving that it was written at a much earlier period.\nA fact which has hitherto escaped notice is that Caxton\u2019s book is\nessentially an adaptation of a collection of phrases and dialogues in\nFrench and Flemish, of which an edition was published by Michelant in\n1875[1], from a MS. in the Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale.\n    [Footnote 1: _Le Livre des Mestiers: Dialogues fran\u00e7ais-flamands\n    compos\u00e9s au XIV^e si\u00e8cle par un ma\u00eetre d\u2019\u00e9cole de la ville de\n    Bruges_. Paris: Librairie Tross.]\nThe text of Caxton\u2019s original cannot, indeed, have been precisely\nidentical with that of the MS. used by Michelant. It contained many\npassages which are wanting in the Paris MS., and in some instances had\nobviously preferable readings. Caxton\u2019s English sentences are very often\nservile translations from the Flemish, and he sometimes falls into the\nuse of Flemish words and idioms in such a way as to show that his long\nresidence abroad had impaired his familiarity with his native language.\nThe French _respaulme cet hanap_, for instance, is rendered by \u2018spoylle\nthe cup.\u2019 Of course the English verb _spoylle_ never meant \u2018to rinse\u2019;\nCaxton was misled by the sound of the Flemish _spoel_. Caxton\u2019s \u2018after\nthe house,\u2019 as a translation of _aual la maison_ (throughout the house),\nis explicable only by a reference to the Flemish version, which has\n_achter huse_. The verb _formaketh_, which has not elsewhere been found\nin English, is an adoption of the Flemish _vermaect_ (repairs). Another\nFlemicism is Caxton\u2019s _whiler_ (= while ere) for \u2018some time ago,\u2019 in\nFlemish _wilen eer_. It is still more curious to find Caxton writing \u2018it\n_en_ is not,\u2019 instead of \u2018it is not\u2019; this _en_ is the particle prefixed\nin Flemish to the verb of a negative sentence. As is well known,\nCaxton\u2019s translation of \u2018Reynard the Fox\u2019 exhibits many phenomena of a\nsimilar kind. From all the circumstances, we may perhaps conclude that\nCaxton, while still resident in Bruges, added an English column to his\ncopy of the French-Flemish phrase-book, rather as a sort of exercise\nthan with any view to publication, and that he handed it over to his\ncompositors at Westminster without taking the trouble to subject it to\nany material revision.\nThe original work contains so many references to the city of Bruges that\nit is impossible to doubt that it was compiled there. According to\nMichelant, the Paris MS. was written in the first half of the fourteenth\ncentury. The MS. used by Caxton must itself have been written not later\nthan the second decade of the fifteenth century; unless, indeed, it was\nan unaltered transcript from an older MS. The evidence on which this\nconclusion is based is somewhat curious. Caxton\u2019s text contains two\npassages in which the pope is spoken of as still resident at Avignon.\nNow the \u2018Babylonish captivity\u2019 of the popes ended in 1378; and, even if\nwe suppose that at Bruges the Avignon anti-popes were recognized by some\npersons to the very last, the latest date at which these passages could\nhave been written is the year 1417. It is not easy to understand how it\nwas possible for Caxton to leave uncorrected these references to a state\nof things which he must have known had long ceased to exist. The only\nexplanation of the fact seems to be that, as has been suggested above,\nhe sent his many years old MS. to the press without going over it again.\nIt may be remarked that one of the Avignon passages does not occur in\nthe text as printed by Michelant. As it would be absurd to suppose that\nit was introduced by Caxton himself, the inference is clear that his\ncopy of the original work was fuller than that contained in the Paris\nMS. Probably Caxton may have added a few lines here and there--the\nmention of certain English towns and fairs on pp. 18-19, and that of\nEnglish bishoprics on p. 23, for instance, were most likely inserted by\nhim. But by far the greatest portion of the matter which is peculiar to\nCaxton\u2019s form of the dialogues may be confidently ascribed to his\noriginal, on account of the frequent occurrence of passages in which,\nwhile the French is quite correct, the English translation shows\nimperfect understanding of the sense.\nOne of the most remarkable differences between Caxton\u2019s form of the\ndialogues and that which is preserved in the Paris MS. consists in the\ntransposition of several of the sections in that portion of the work to\nwhich the title \u2018Le Livre des Mestiers\u2019 is most properly applicable (pp.\n24-44 of Caxton\u2019s edition). In both versions the sections in this\nportion are arranged in the alphabetical order of the Christian names of\nthe persons referred to; but the names connected with particular\nemployments are not always the same in the two versions. Thus in\nMichelant the bowyer is called Filbert, in Caxton he is Guillebert; in\nMichelant the carpenter is Henri, in Caxton Lambert; in Michelant the\ntiler is Martin, in Caxton Lamfroy; and so on. The resulting\ntranspositions render it somewhat difficult at first sight to perceive\nthe substantial identity of the matter in the two books. If an editor\nwished to print Caxton\u2019s text and that of the Paris MS. in parallel\ncolumns, he would need to have recourse to the ingenious device adopted\nby Professor Skeat in the Clarendon Press edition of the three\nrecensions of _Piers Plowman_; that is to say, all the sections in which\nthe names have been altered would have to be given twice over in each\ncolumn--with large print where they occur in their alphabetical place,\nand with small print opposite to the corresponding sections in the other\ntext. It is hard to see why the person who made the later version\nfollowed by Caxton should have taken the trouble to alter the names and\nre-arrange the material in the new alphabetical order. One might almost\nsuspect that the names were those of actual tradesmen in Bruges, and\nthat the alterations represent changes that had taken place between the\nearlier and the later edition of the book.\nThe French of the Paris MS. is the Picard dialect of the former half of\nthe fourteenth century. The French of Caxton\u2019s book retains many of the\noriginal north-eastern forms, but is to a considerable extent modernized\nand assimilated to the literary language of a later period. Such\n\u2018etymological\u2019 spellings as _recepueur_, _debuoit_, are common in\nCaxton\u2019s text, but rarely occur in Michelant. The following comparative\nspecimen of the two versions will afford some notion of the\northographical and grammatical differences between them, and also of the\ndegree in which Caxton\u2019s English was influenced by his Flemish original.\n  MICHELANT.\n      CAXTON.\n  Pierres le bateur a l\u2019arket\n  Pietre de coutenslaerre\n      Pyere le bateure de laine\n      Peter the betar of wulle\n  Va tout useus,\n  Gaet al ledich,\n      Va tout oyseux,\n      Gooth alle ydle,\n  Car ses doiiens\n  Want siin deken\n      Car son doyen\n      For his dene\n  Li ha desfendu son mestier\n  Heeft hem verboden sin ambocht\n      Lui a deffendu son mestier\n      Hath forboden hym hys craft\n  Sur l\u2019amende de xx. sauls,\n  Up de boete van xx. scelle,\n      Sour l\u2019amende de vingt solz,\n      Vpon thamendes of xx. shelyngs,\n  Dusqu\u2019 a dont qu\u2019il aura\n  Tote dien dat hi sal hebben\n      Jusques a dont quil aura\n      Till that he shall haue\n  Achat\u00e9 le franchise.\n  Ghecocht sine vrihede.\n      Achatte sa franchise.\n      Bought his franchyse.\n  Il s\u2019en plaindra\n  Hi sals hem beclaghen\n      Il sen plaindra\n      He shall complaine hym\n  Au bourghmaistre,\n  Den buerghmeestre,\n      Au burchmaistre,\n      Unto bourghmaistre,\n  Et li doiiens, ne si jurei\n  Ende de dekene no sine gheswoerne\n      Et les gardiens des mestiers\n      And the wardeyns of the crafte\n  N\u2019en font conte.\n  Ne micken niet.\n      Nen font compte.\n      sette not therby.\n  Pol li cuveliers\n  Pauwels de cupre\n      Poul le cuuelier\n      Poule the couper\n  Fait et refait cuves,\n  Maect ende vermaect cupen,\n      Faict et refaict les cuues,\n      Maketh and formaketh the keupis,\n  Cuviers et tonniaux,\n  Cupekine ende vaten,\n      tonniaulx, vaissiaux\n      Barellis, vassellis\n  Chercles et tonnelets\n  Houpen ende tonnekine.\n      Courans et gouttans.\n      Lekyng and droppyng.\n  Il ont doilloires, wembelkins,\n  Si hebben paerden, spikelboren,\n  Forets, tareales, et planes.\n  Foretten, navegheeren ende scaven.\n  Paulins le mesureur de bl\u00e9\n  Pauwelin de corenmetere\n      Paulin le mesureur de bled\n      Paulyn the metar of corne\n  A si longement mesuret,\n  Heeft so langhe ghemeten.\n      A tant mesure\n      Hath so moche moten\n      De bled et de mestelon\n      Of corne and of mestelyn,\n  Qu\u2019il ne puet plus\n  Dat hi mach nemmeer\n      Quil ne peult plus\n      That he may no more\n  Par che grande villeche;\n  Mit sire groter outheide;\n      de viellesse;\n      for age;\n  Car il est tout kenus.\n  Want hi es al calv.\n      Il est tout gryse.\n      He is alle graye.\n      Il donna [_sic_] a chescun sa mesure.\n      He gyueth to euerich his mesure.\n  Pirote, si filleulle,\n  Pierote, siin dochterkine,\n      Pieronne sa filleule\n      Pieryne his doughter\n  Est la pire garche\n  Es die quaetste dierne\n      Est la pieure grace\n      Is the shrewest ghyrle\n  Que je sache\n  Die ic weet\n      Que ie sache\n      That I knowe\n  Dech\u00e0 mer, ne del\u00e0.\n  An disside der zee, no an ghene zide.\n      de cha la mere.\n      on this side the see.\n  Quintins li tonliers\n  Quintin de tolnare\n      Quintin le tollenier\n      Quyntyne the tollar\n  A pris de mi\n  Heeft ghenomen van mi\n      A pris de moy\n      Hath taken of me\n  Une lb. de gros\n  1 lb. grot\n      Vng liure de gros\n      A pound of grotes\n  Plus qu\u2019il ne devoit;\n  Meer dan hi sculdich was;\n      Plus quil ne debuoit prendre\n      More than he ought to take\n      Du droit tonlieu;\n      Of right tolle.\n  Si m\u2019en trairai\n  Zo dat ic sal trucken\n      Sy me trayeray\n      So shall I drawe me\n  Au recheveur\n  Vor den ontfanghere\n      Au recepueur\n      Vnto the receyuour\n  Pour faire me plainte,\n  Omme te doene mine claghe\n  Et pour men droit requerre.\n  Ende omne min recht te versoukene.\n      Pour men droit requerre.\n      For my right to requyre.\nIn the present edition Caxton\u2019s text has been literally reproduced,\nexcept that obvious misprints are corrected (the original readings being\ngiven in the marginal notes[1]), and that modern punctuation has been\nadded for the sake of intelligibility. Where Caxton leaves a space for\nan illuminated initial (a small letter being printed in the middle to\nserve as a guide) I have used a large capital. The List of English Words\nat the end is intended to contain all the words that require any\nexplanation, or are on any account noteworthy. The List of French Words,\nwhich I was unable to prepare on account of ill-health, has been\ncompiled by Mr. Henry Littlehales.\n  HENRY BRADLEY.\n    [Footnote 1: Misprints affecting only the word-division, however,\n    have been corrected without remark.]\nNOTES.\n3^17. This corresponds with the beginning of the French-Flemish\ndialogues printed by Michelant. The preceding table of contents may have\nbeen added by Caxton himself.\n3^32-4^7. Not in Michelant.\n4^8. The French should no doubt read _quil y ait_, as in Michelant, but\nCaxton translates the erroneous reading.\n8^36. There is some mistake here. Michelant\u2019s text has _cavecheul_,\nbed\u2019s head.\n8^39-10^6. Michelant\u2019s text is here quite different, enumerating the\nparts of the body and the articles necessary for the toilet.\n13^19. _Confite_ is a misreading on Caxton\u2019s part for _confire_,\ncomfrey; Michelant has the right word.\n15^31. _Sera_ should be _fera_, as in Michelant; the sense is \u2018the\nabatement which you will make will cause it to be sold.\u2019 Caxton attempts\nto translate the erroneous reading _sera_, but his translation makes no\nsense.\n16^1-17^19. This interesting portion of the dialogue is not in\nMichelant.\n18^18. _It en is not_ = Flemish _het en es niet_. Evidently when this\nwas written Caxton had become more familiar with Flemish than with his\nnative language.\n18^26-19^10. The names of English towns in this list are added by\nCaxton.\n22^14-25^9. The enumeration of ecclesiastical and civil dignitaries is\nmuch more full here than in Michelant\u2019s text, but it is probable that\nCaxton had before him an amplified copy of the original work, as the\nmention of the pope\u2019s residence at Avignon obviously cannot have been\ninserted by him. The names of English bishoprics, however, are most\nlikely added by Caxton.\n24^6. _Bogars_ in the French column (rendered by _lewd freris_, i.e. lay\nbrothers) appears to be a mistake for _Begars_, Beghards.\n26^37. _Spoylle the cuppe._ Another proof that Caxton had forgotten his\nEnglish. The Flemish is _spoel den nap_, \u2018rinse the cup\u2019; the English\n_spoil_ of course never had the sense \u2018to rinse.\u2019\n29^12. _Byledyng_ is an attempt at literal interpretation of the French\n_deduit_, delight.\n29^13. _Serouge (serourge)_ is properly \u2018brother-in-law\u2019; it is not\nclear whether Caxton\u2019s rendering _cosen alyed_ is a mistranslation, or\nwhether the French word was used at Bruges in the extended sense.\n30^4-6. This reference to the truce between the English and the Scots is\nnot, as might perhaps be thought, an insertion by Caxton. Michelant\nconsiders the truce in question to be that of the year 1340.\n30^30-33. Michelant\u2019s text omits these lines, to the manifest injury of\nthe sense.\n35^23-25. Caxton seems here to have found his MS. illegible: Michelant\u2019s\ntext has \u2018Fremius [? read _Fremins_] ses voisins Dist qu\u2019el vault bien\nson argent.\u2019\n37^8-30. This emphatic praise of the writer\u2019s craft is not in Michelant;\nprobably it expresses Caxton\u2019s own sentiments.\n38^36. _Enprintees_, which Caxton amazingly renders \u2018enprinted,\u2019 is\ndoubtless a mistake for _enpruntes_, borrowed. The occurrence of this\nmistake shows that the passage must have been in Caxton\u2019s original,\nthough it is not in Michelant\u2019s text. Caxton\u2019s account of the\nbookseller\u2019s stock is much fuller than that in Michelant, but apparently\nthis is not due, as might naturally be supposed, to his own interest in\nthe subject.\n44^17. _Formaketh_, literally adopted from the Flemish _vermaect_,\nrepairs.\n44^26. _Filleule_ is god-daughter, not \u2018daughter.\u2019 The Flemish has\n_dochterkine_, which, though literally = \u2018little daughter,\u2019 was used for\n\u2018god-daughter.\u2019\n46^1. It is curious that the names beginning with S and T, which appear\nin Michelant, are omitted by Caxton. Possibly a leaf was missing in his\noriginal.\n50^22. From this line to the end seems to be an addition by Caxton.\n  [CAXTON\u2019S DIALOGUES]\n  [Or \u2018A Book for Travellers,\u2019 _Typ. Ant._ i. 315: or\n  \u2018A Vocabulary,\u2019 Blades, ii. 133.]\n  [TABLE OF CONTENTS.]\n  FRENSSHE.\n    ENGLISSH.\n[Sidenote: P. 1.]\n  CY commence la table\n    HIER begynneth the table\n  De cest prouffytable doctrine,\n    Of this prouffytable lernynge,\n  Pour trouuer tout par ordene\n    For to fynde all by ordre\n  Ce que on vouldra aprendre.\n    That whiche men wylle lerne.                       4\n  Premierment, linuocacion de la\n    Fyrst, the callyng of the trinite;\n  Comment on doibt chescun saluer;             4\n    How every man ought grete othir;\n  Les meubles aual la mayson;                  6\n    The catayllys langyng to the house;                8\n  Les noms des chars & de beestes[1];         10\n    The names of flessh and of bestis;\n    [Footnote 1: beestis]\n  Et doysiaulz priues & sauuages;             10\n    And of byrdes tame and wylde;\n  Les noms des poyssons de mer;               11\n    The names of fysshes of the see;\n  Et des poyssons des Ryuiers;                12\n    And of fysshes of the Riuers;                     12\n  Les noms de compenaiges;                    12\n    The names of whyte mete;\n  Les noms des fruis darbres;                 13\n    The names of the fruytes of trees;\n  Les noms des pluiseurs arbres;              13\n    The names of diuerse trees;\n  Les noms des co{m}muns beuurages;           14\n    The names of comyn drynkes;\n  La marchandyse des draps                    14\n    The marchandise of clothe\n  Des diuerses villes et festes;              18\n    Of diuerse tounes and fayres;\n  Les marchandises des laines;                19\n  Les noms des cuyrs & des peaulx;            19\n    The names of hydes and of skynnes;\n  Les noms des apotecaires;                   19\n    The names of the apotecaries;\n    The names of Oyles,\n  Des coleurs des paintres;                   20\n  Les noms des crasseries,                    20\n    The names of coriars,\n  Des aluns et daultres tainctures;           20\n    Of alume and of othir colours;\n  Les noms des tous metauls;                  21\n    The names of all metals;\n  Les noms des pluiseurs graines;             22\n    The names of diuerse graynes;\n  Des prelats de saincte eglyse,              22\n    Of the prelates of holy chirche,\n  Du pape, cardinaulz, euesques,              22\n    Of the pope, cardinals, bisshops,\n  Archeuesques, abbes, et officiaulx,         23\n    Archebisshops, abbotes, and officials,             4\n  Des moynes et gens de lordene;              23\n    Of monkes and folke of ordre;\n  De lempereur, roys, et roynes,              22\n    Of themperour, kynges, and quenes,\n  Des ducs, countes, et princes,              24\n    Of dukes, erles, and princes,\n  Barons, cheualiers, escuyers;               24\n    Barons, knyghtes, and squyers;                     8\n  Les noms dhommes et des femmes,             25\n    The names of men and of wymmen,\n  Et des mestiers, selon lordre de\n    And of craftes, after thordre of\n  Les grandes festes et termes de\n    The grete festes and termes of the\n  Des orfeures, tisserans, & foulons[1],      31\n    Of goldsmythes, weuers, and fullers,\n    [Footnote 1: foulous]\n  Tondeurs, pigneresses, fileresses;          32\n    Sheremen, kempsters, spynsters;\n  Des lormiers et armurers,                   33\n    Of bridelmakers and armorers,                     16\n[Sidenote: P. 2.]\n  Des tailliers & Vieswariers,                34\n    Of tayllours and vpholdsters,\n  Des taincturiers[2] & drappiers,            35\n    Of dyers and drapers,\n    [Footnote 2: taiuc-]\n  Des boulengiers & cordewaniers,             35\n    Of bakers and shoomakers,\n  Des escripuains & arceniers,                36\n    Of skriueners and boumakers,                      20\n  Des moulniers & bouchiers,                  37\n    Of mylnars and bochiers,\n  Des poissonners & teliers,                  38\n    Of fysshmongers and of lynweuers,\n  Des chaudeliers[3] & libraries,             38\n    Of ketelmakers and librariers,\n    [Footnote 3: chan-]\n  Des gauntiers & corbelliers,            40, 38\n    Of glouers and of maundemakers,                   24\n  Des painturers & vsuriers,                  39\n    Of paintours and vsuriers,\n  Des couureurs de tieulles & destrain,       40\n    Of tylers and thatchers,\n  Des charpentiers & feultriers,              39\n    Of carpenters and hatmakers,\n  Des chauetiers et boursiers,                41\n  Des cousturiers et especiers,               42\n    Of shepsters and spycers,\n  Des coultiers et hosteliers,                42\n    Of brokers and hosteliers,\n  Des touriers et cuueliers,                  43\n    Of kepars of prisons and coupers,\n  Des mesuriers et messagiers,                44\n  Des chartons et changiers,                  45\n    Of carters and chaungers,\n  Des mo{n}noyers et pastesiers,              45\n    Of myntemakers and pybakers,\n    Of pleyers and tawyers,\n  Des vairriers et serruriers,                46\n    Of makers of greywerke and lokyers,               36\n  Des gorliers et huchiers,                   46\n    Of gorelmakers and joyners,\n    Of parchemyn makers;\n  Et les parolles que chescun                 49\n    And the wordes that eueryche\n  Pourra apprendre pour aler\n[Headnote: CONTENTS. OBJECT OF THE BOOK. PROLOGUE.]\n  Dun pays au ville a aultre;                 49\n    Fro one lande or toune to anothir;\n  Et plus aultres raysons\n    And moo othir resons\n  Que seroyent trop longues\n    That shold be over longe\n  De mettre en cest table.\n  En la fin de cest doctrine                  50\n    In the ende of this doctrine\n  Trouueres[1] la maniere\n    Shall ye fynde the manere\n    [Footnote 1: Trouuerers]\n  Pour aprendre acompter                      51\n    For to lerne rekene\n  Par liures, par soulz, par deniers.\n    By poundes, by shelynges, by pens.             8\n  Vostre recepte et vostre myse\n    Your recyte and your gyuing oute\n  Raportes tout en somme.\n    Brynge it all in somme.\n  Faittes diligence daprendre.\n    Doo diligence for to lerne.\n  Fuyes oyseusete, petyz et grandes,\n    Flee ydlenes, smal and grete,                 12\n  Car tous vices en so{u}nt sourdans.\n    For all vices springen therof.\n  Tres bonne doctrine\n    Ryght good lernyng\n  Pour aprendre\n    For to lerne\n  Briefment fransoys et engloys.\n    Shortly frenssh and englyssh.                 16\n[Sidenote: P. 3.]\n  ++OV nom du pere,\n    In the name of the fadre,\n  Et du filz,\n    And of the soone,\n  Et du sainte esperite,\n    And of the holy ghoost,\n  Veul commencier\n  Et ordonner ung livre,\n    And ordeyne this book,\n  Par le quel on pourra\n    By the whiche men shall mowe\n  Roysonnablement entendre\n    Resonably vnderstande\n  Fransoys et engloys,\n  Du tant co{m}me cest escript\n    Of as moche as this writing\n  Pourra contenir et estendre;\n    Shall conteyne and stratche;\n  Car il ne peult tout comprendre;\n    For he may not alle comprise;\n  Mais ce quon ny trouuera\n    But that which can not be founden             28\n  Declaire en cestui\n    Declared in this\n  Pourra on trouuer ailleurs,\n    Shall be founde somwhere els,\n  En aultres liures.\n    In othir bookes.\n  Mais sachies pour voir\n  Que es lignes de cest aucteur\n    That in the lynes of this auctour\n  Sount plus de parolles et de raysons\n    Ben moo wordes and reasons\n  Comprinses, et de responses,\n    Comprised, and of ansuers,\n  Que[2] en moult daultres liures.\n    Than in many othir bookes.                    36\n    [Footnote 2: Qne]\n  Qui ceste liure vouldra aprendre\n    Who this booke shall wylle lerne\n  Bien pourra entreprendre\n    May well entreprise or take on honde\n[Headnote: THIS IS A TRADER\u2019S HANDBOOK. HOW TO SALUTE FOLK.]\n  Marchandises dun pays a lautre,\n    Marchandises fro one land to anothir,\n  Et cognoistre maintes denrees\n    And to knowe many wares\n  Que[1] lui seroient bon achetes\n    Which to hym shalbe good to be bou\u021dt           4\n  Ou vendues pour riche deuenir.\n    Or solde for riche to become.\n    [Footnote 1: Qne]\n  Aprendes ce liure diligement;\n    Lerne this book diligently;\n  Grande prouffyt y gyst vrayement.\n    Grete prouffyt lieth therin truly.\n[Sidenote: [CH. I.]]\n  ++OR scaues quil affiert\n  Quil ait du tout vne partie.\n    That he haue of alle a partie.\n  Quand vous alles par les rues,\n    Whan ye goo by the streetes,\n  Et vous encountres aulcuns\n    And ye mete ony\n  Que vous cognossies,\n  Ou[2] quilz soyent de vostre\n    Or that they be of your\n  cognoissa{u}nce,\n    knowelech,\n    [Footnote 2: On]\n  Soyes ysnel et apparaillies\n    Be swyft and redy\n  De luy ou deulx premier saluer,\n  Sil est ou sils so{u}nt hommes de valeur.\n    Yf he be or they be men of valure.\n  Ostes vostre chappron\n    Doo of your hood\n  Pour dames & damoysellys;\n    For ladies and damoyselles;\n  Se ilz ostent leur chaperon,\n  Sy le remettes de vous mayns.\n    So sette it on agayn with your ha{n}dis.\n  En telle maniere\n    In such manere\n[Sidenote: P. 4.]\n  Les poes saluer:\n    May ye salewe them:\n  \u201cSire, dieu vous garde!\u201d\n  Cest le plus bryef\n    That is the shortest\n  Que on puise dyre\n    That one may saye\n  Aux gens en saluant.\n    To the peple in salewyng.\n  Ou, en aultres vsages:--\n  \u201cSyre, vous soyes bien venus.\u201d\n    \u201cSire, ye be welcome.\u201d\n  \u201cVous, dame ou damoyselle,\n    \u201cYe, lady or damoyselle,\n  Vous soyes la bien venu.\u201d\n    Ye ben welcome.\u201d\n  \u201cSire, dieu vous doinst bon jour.\u201d\n    \u201cSyre, god gyue you good daye.\u201d               32\n  \u201cDame, bon jour vous doinst no{st}re\n    \u201cDame, good daye giue you our\n  sire.\u201d\n    lord.\u201d\n  \u201cCompaignon ou amye,\n    \u201cFelawe or frende,\n  Vous soies le bien venus.\u201d\n  \u201cQue faictes vous? comment vous\n    \u201cWhat do ye? how is it with\n  est?\u201d\n  \u201cBien; que bien vous aies.\u201d\n    \u201cWell; that well mote ye haue.\u201d\n  \u201cOu aues este si longement?\n    \u201cWhere haue ye ben so longe?                  40\n[Headnote: SALUTATIONS. HOW TO TAKE LEAVE OF FOLK.]\n  Je ne vous vey piecha.\u201d\n    I haue not seen you in longe tyme.\u201d\n  \u201cJay este longement hors du pays.\u201d\n    \u201cI haue ben longe out of the contre.\u201d\n  \u201cEn quel pays?\u201d\n    \u201cIn what contre?\u201d\n  \u201cSire, ce seroit\n  Trop a racompter;\n    Ouermoche for to telle;\n  Mais sil vous plaist aulcune chose\n    But if you plaise ony thyng\n  Que ie puisse fayre,\n    That I may doo,\n  Commandes le moy\n  Comme a celuy\n    As to hym\n  Qui volentiers le feroit.\u201d\n    That gladly shall doo it.\u201d\n  \u201cSire, grand mercy\n    \u201cSyre, gramercy\n  De vous courtoyses parolles\n  Et de vostre bonne volente;\n    And of your good wyll;\n  Dieu le vous mire!\u201d\n    God reward you!\u201d\n  \u201cDieu le me laisse deseruyr!\n    \u201cGod late me deserue it!\n  Sachies certainement[1]\n  Que vous ne y estes\n    That ye be not\n  Point engaignies[2],\n    Nothyng deceyued[5],\n    [Footnote 1: certaineint]\n    [Footnote 2: eugaignies]\n    [Footnote 5: deceyned]\n  Car ce vous feroye ie,\n    For that wold I doo\n  Pour vous et pour les vostres.\n  +A dieu vous comande.\n    +To god I you commaunde.\n  Je prenge congie[3] a vous.\u201d\n    I take leue of you.\u201d\n    [Footnote 3: cougie]\n  Respondes ainsi:\n    Ansuere thus:\n  \u201cNostre sire vous conduyse!\u201d\n  \u201cA dieu soyes vous comandes!\u201d\n    \u201cTo god mote ye be commaunded!\u201d\n  \u201cDieu vous ait en sa sainte garde!\u201d\n    \u201cGod you haue in his holy kepyng!\u201d\n[Sidenote: P. 5.]\n  \u201cAllez a dieu[4].\n    \u201cGoo ye to god.\n    [Footnote 4: dien]\n  Salues moy la dame\n  (Ou la damoyselle)\n    (Or the damyselle)\n  De vostre mayson\n    Of your house\n  (Ou de vostre hostel),\n    (Or of your heberow),\n  Vostre femme, vous enfans,\n  Vostre mary,\n    Your husbonde,\n  Vostre fyltz et vous filles,\n    Your sones and your doughtres,\n  Toute vostre maisnye.\n    Alle your meyne.\n  Si me recomandes\n  A mon seigneur,\n    To my lorde,\n  A mes damoyseauls,\n    To my yong lordes,\n  A ma dame,\n    To my lady,\n  A ma damoyselle,\n[Headnote: TAKING LEAVE. WINDOWS, BEDS AND BEDDING.]\n  A vostre pere et a vostre mere,\n    To your fadre and to your modre,\n  A vostre tayon et a vostre taye,\n    To your belfadre & to your beldame,\n  A vostre oncle et a vostre aunte,\n    To your eme & to your aunte,\n  A vostre cosyns et a vostre cosynes,\n    To your cosyns and to your nieces,             4\n  A vous cousyns germains,\n    To your cosyns germayns,\n  A vostre nepheux & a vostre nieces,\n    To your neueus & to your nieces,\n  Qui sont enfans de vostre frere\n    Whiche ben children of your brother\n  Ou de vostre soeur.\n  Vous freres, vous soeurs,\n    Your brethern, your sustres,\n  Ne loublies mye.\u201d\n    Forgete them not.\u201d\n  \u201cJe le vous feray voulentiers.\n    \u201cI shal do it for you gladly.\n  A dieu vous command.\u201d\n  \u201cOr alles a dieu.\u201d\n    \u201cNow goo to god.\u201d\n  Cy finent les salutations\n    Thus enden the salutations\n  Et les responses.\n    And the ansueris.\n[Sidenote: [CH. II.]]\n  ++OR mestoet auant parler\n    ++NOw standeth me for to speke                16\n  Daultres choses necessaires:\n    Of othir thynges necessarie:\n  Cest a sauoyr des besongnes\n    That is to saye of thinges\n  Que on vse aual le maison,\n    That ben vsed after the hous,\n  De quoy on ne peult synon.\n    Of whiche me may not be withoute.             20\n  De la maison premiers diray,\n    Of the hous first I shall saye,\n  En auenture, se besoing est.\n    On auenture, if it be to doo.\n  +La maison bien ordonne\n    +The hous well ordeyned\n  Doybt estre bien fenestree\n    Ought to be well wyndowed                     24\n  De pluiseurs fenestres\n    Of diverse wyndowes\n  Par quoy il ait grand clarte.\n    By which it haue grete light.\n  Il y affiert aux chambres\n    Hit behoueth to the chambres\n  Solliers, greniers.\n[Sidenote: [CH. III.]]\n[Sidenote: P. 6.]\n  ++QVi vin veult maintenier\n    ++WHo wyne wyll mayntene\n  Conuient auoir chielliers\n    Behoueth to haue selers\n  Et vne basse chambre\n    And a lowe chambre\n  Pour prendre aisement.\n  +Ores vous conuient avoir lits;\n    +Now must ye haue beddes;\n  Lyts des plummes;\n    Beddes of fetheris;\n  Pour les poures suz gesir,\n    For the poure to lye on,\n  Lyts de bourre;\n  Sarges, tapites,\n    Sarges, tapytes,\n  Kieultes poyntes\n    Quiltes paynted\n  Pour les lits couurir;\n    For the beddes to couere;\n  Couuertoyrs ainsi;\n[Headnote: BED-FURNITURE, POTS AND PANS, CANS AND BOTTLES.]\n  Bankers qui sont beaulx;\n    Bankers that ben fayr;\n  Dessoubs le lite vng calys;\n    Under the bedde a chalon;\n  Estrain dedens;\n    Strawe therin;\n  Bancs, chaiers,\n  Lesons, selles;\n    Lystes, stoles;\n  Pots de keuure, chaudrens,\n    Pottes of coppre, kawdrons,\n  Chaudiers, paiels,\n    Ketellis, pannes,\n  Bachins, lauoirs,\n  Pots de terre,\n    Pottes of erthe,\n  Cannes de terre\n    Cannes of erthe\n  Pour aller al eawe;\n    For to go to the watre;\n  Ces choses trouueres vous\n    Thise thinges shall ye fynde                  12\n  En le potterye.\n    In the potterye.\n  +Se vous aues de quoy,\n    +Yf ye haue wherof,\n  Faittes que vous ayes\n    Doo that ye haue\n  Ouurages destain,\n  Pots destain[1] et cannes,\n    Pottes of tynne and cannes,\n  Cannes de deux lots,\n    Cannes of two stope,\n  Cannes dun sestier,\n    Cannes of a sextier,\n    [Footnote 1: de stain]\n  Lotz et demy lotz,\n  Pintes et demy pintes.\n    Pintes and half pintes.\n  Ung lot est appelle\n    A stope is called\n  Eu aucun lieu[2] vng quart.\n    In somme place a quarte.\n    [Footnote 2: ancun lien]\n  Ce sont les mesures\n  Que je[3] scay nommer:\n    That I can name:\n    [Footnote 3: ye]\n  Mais les bouteilles\n    But the botellis\n  Destain, de boz, de cuir,\n    Of tyn, of wode, of lether,\n  Treuue on de toutes manieres.\n  +Or vous conuient auoir\n    +Now must ye haue\n  Platteaux destain,\n    Platers of tyn,\n[Sidenote: P. 7.]\n  Escuyelles, sausserons,\n    Disshes, saussers,\n  Sallieres, trenchores;\n  Ces choses trouueres\n    Thise thinges shall ye fynde\n  De boz et de terre.\n    Of tree and of erthe.\n  Couuercles de keuuer,\n    Couercles of coppre,\n  De terre, et de fer,\n  Or apres vng esculier,\n    Now after a disshe fat,\n  La on met dedens\n    Where me leyeth therin\n  Les deuantdittes choses.\n    The forsaid thinges.\n  +Les louches de boz,\n[Headnote: FURNITURE, UTENSILS, PLATE AND CLOTHING.]\n  Les louches dargent,\n    The spones of siluer,\n  Metton la on veult,\n    That dooe[2] men where they wylle,\n  En plus seure garde.\n    In most sure kepyng.\n    [Footnote 2: dooo]\n  +Le louche de pot entour le feu;\n    +The ladle of the pot about the fyre;          4\n  Trepiet pour asseoir sus;\n    Treuet for to sette it on;\n  Sur laistre appertient\n    Vpon the herthe belongeth\n  Laigne ou tourbes,\n    Woode or turues,\n  Deux brandeurs de fer,\n  Ung estenelle, ung greyl.\n    A tonge, a gredyron.\n    [Footnote 3: andyrous]\n  +Ung grauwet,\n    +A flessh hoke,\n  Coutieaulx pour taillier\n    Knyues for to cutte\n  Ce quon vouldra,\n  Ung couttel de poree\n    A choppyng knyf\n  Pour taillier la poree.\n    for to choppe wortes.\n  +Hanaps dargent,\n    +Cuppes of silver,\n  Hanaps dorees,\n  Coupes door,\n    Couppes of goold,\n  Hanaps a pies;\n    Cuppes with feet;\n  Ces choses mettes\n    Thise things set ye\n  En vostre huche ou escrijn;\n    In your whutche or cheste;                    20\n  Vos joyaulx en vostre forchier\n    Your jewellis in your forcier\n  Que on ne les emble.\n    That they be not stolen.\n  +Plente des linchieux,\n    +Plente of shetes,\n  Nappes, touwailles.\n  Pour faire a nous aulx\n    For to make to us garlyk\n  Et saulses parmi le stamine,\n    And sauses thorugh the strayner,\n  Vous conuient[1] auoir\n    Ye muste haue\n  Ung mortier, ung pestiel.\n    [Footnote 1: connient]\n  +A la perche pendent vos vestures,\n    +On the perche hongen your clothes,\n  Manteaulx, scurcorps,\n    Mantellis, frockes,\n  Heuques, clocques,\n    Heukes, clokes,\n  Cottes, pourpoints,\n[Sidenote: P. 8.]\n  Vestures, fourrures,\n    Clothes, furres,\n  Vestures diuer et deste;\n    Wynter clothes and of somer;\n  Les oreilliers sur le lite;\n    The pelowes on the bedde;\n  Sur le queuerchief\n  Chemises, brayes,\n    Chertes, briches,\n  A tout le braieul.\n    With the pauntcher[4].\n    [Footnote 4: panutcher]\n  +Quand vous estes desvestues\n    +Whan ye be vnclothed\n  On treuue fourrures\n[Headnote: FURS, WHITE MEATS, WIFE, PARENTS AND CHILDREN.]\n  Descurieus[1], daigneaulx,\n    Of beuers and of lombes,\n  Plichons de lieures et de conins.\n    Pylches of hares and of conyes.\n    [Footnote 1: Descuriens]\n  +Mettes en le tresoier\n    +Sette into the cupbort\n  Vostre pain, vostre fourmage,\n  Vostre bure, vostre viande,\n    Your butter, your mete,\n  Et aultres companages,\n    And othir white mete,\n  Le relief de la table.\n    The leuynge of the table.\n  Faictes quil y aist du seel\n  Et des voires.\n    And glases.\n  Cy fine le tierce chapitle.\n    Here endeth the thirde chapitre.\n[Sidenote: [CH. IV.]]\n  ++OR entendes, petys & grands,\n    ++Now understande, litell and grete,\n  Je vous dirai maintenant\n    I shall saye you right forth                  12\n  Dune aultre matere\n    Of an othir matere\n  La quele ie comence.\n    The whiche I wyll begynne.\n  +Se vous estes maries,\n    +Yf ye be maried,\n  Et vous aues femme,\n  Et vous ayes marye,\n    And ye haue a husbonde,\n  +Se vous maintenes paisiblement,\n    +So mayntene you pesibly,\n  Que vous voisins ne disent\n    That your neyghbours saye not\n  De vous fors que bien:\n    Of you othirwyse than well:                   20\n  Ce seroit virgoingne.\n    Hit shold be shame.\n  +Se vous aues pere & mere,\n    +If ye haue fader and moder\n  Si les honnoures tousiours;\n    So worshippe them alleway;\n  Faictes leur honneur;\n  Deportes les;\n    Forbere them;\n  Car selon le commandement\n    For after the commaundement\n  Et conseil de cathon,\n    And the counseill of cathon,\n  Les doibt en honnourer;\n    Men ought to worshippe them;                  28\n  Car il dist en son liure:\n    For he saith in his booke:\n  \u201cHonnoure pere & mere.\u201d\n    \u201cWorshippe fader and moder.\u201d\n  +Se vous aues enfans,\n    +Yf ye haue children,\n  Si les chastoyes de la verge,\n    So chastyse them with the rodde,              32\n  Et les instrues\n    And enforme them\n  De bonnes meurs\n    With good maners\n  Le temps quilz soient jofnes;\n    the tyme that they be yong;\n[Sidenote: P. 9.]\n  Les envoyes a lescole\n  Aprendre lire et escripre,\n    To lerne rede and to write,\n  quilz ne resambloient bestes.\n    That they resemble not bestis.\n  +Soyes debonnair\n    +Be ye buxom\n  Enuers touttes gens--\n[Headnote: MARGARET IS SENT TO THE BUTCHER\u2019S AND POULTERER\u2019S.]\n  Enuers vous seruans:\n    Vnto your seruaunts:\n  Penses quilz soyent\n    Thynke that they be\n  Aussi bons co{m}me vous;\n    As good as ye;\n  Ne le despites point.\n  +Comandes eux v{ost}re volente\n    +Commaunde them your wyll\n  En tele maniere:\n    In suche manere:\n  \u201cMargote, prengne de largent,\n    \u201cMargret, take of the siluer,\n  Va a la boucherye,\n    Goo to the flesshshamels,                      8\n  Sy achates de lechar.\u201d\n    Bye ther of the flessh.\u201d\n  Celle respondera:\n    She shall ansuer agayn:\n  \u201cQuelles chars voules vous?\n    \u201cWhat flesshe wyll ye?\n  Voules vous chars de porc\n  A le verde saulsse?\n    With the grene sauce?\n  Char du buef salle\n    Flessh of bueff salted\n  Serra bonne a la moustard;\n    Shall be good with the mustard;\n  La Fresshe aux aulx.\n  Se mieulx ames\n    Yf ye better loue\n  Char de mouton[1] ou daigniel,\n    Flessh of moton or of lambe,\n    [Footnote 1: monton]\n  De genise ou de viel,\n    Of an hawgher or of a calfe,\n  soit rosty ou au browet,\n    Is it rosted, orels with browet,              20\n  Je lachateray voulentiers.\u201d\n    I shall bye it with good wyll.\u201d\n  \u201cNennil[2], mais achatte\n    \u201cNay, but bye\n  Char de bachon ou de chieuerel;\n    Flessh of bacon or of a gheet;\n    [Footnote 2: Nenuil]\n  Si nous bargaigne\n  De la venyson,\n    Of the venyson,\n  Soyt de porc sengler,\n    Be it of wylde boor,\n  Soyt de serf ou de bisse;\n    Be it of herte, of hyndecalf;\n  Sy latourne au noir poiure\n    Dyght it with broun pepre                     28\n  Quand tu larras achatte.\n    Whan thou shalt haue bought it.\n  +Va en la poillaillerie,\n    +Goo into the pultrie,\n  Achatte de poulletis,\n    Bye poullettis,\n  Une poulle & deux pouchins,\n  Mais nulle chappon\n    But no capon\n  Ne nul coc napportes,\n    Ne no cocke bringe not,\n  Ne plouuier,\n    Ne plouier,\n  Wydecos, roussignoulz,\n[Sidenote: P. 10.]\n  Maussons, masanges,\n    Sparowes, meesen,\n  Auwes, annettes,\n    Ghees, doukes,\n  Coulons, piuions,\n    Dowues, pygeons,\n  Boutoirs, tourterolles,\n[Headnote: BIRDS; BEASTS BAD TO EAT, AND NOT EATEN; FISHES.]\n  Limoges, pertris,\n    Heth hennes, partrichs,\n  Alouwes, paons,\n    Larkes, pecoks,\n  Chuynes, cignes,\n    Storkes, swannes,\n  Vieses gelines:--\n  ++IE suis malade,\n    ++I am seeke,\n  Tel char me greueroit;\n    Suche flessh shold greue me;\n  Je ne le poroye digerer.\u201d\n    I shall not mowe dygeste it.\u201d\n  \u201cSire, vous men aues\n  Biaucop plus nommes\n    Many mo named\n  Que ien cuide achatter.\n    Than I wende to bye.\n  Vous estes si tenres,\n    Ye be so tendre,\n  +Vous pourries maisement\n  Menger char de cheuaulx,\n    Ete flessh of horses,\n  De tors, de muletz,\n    Of bulles, of mules,\n  De poutrains, de iuments.\u201d\n    Of coltes, of mares.\u201d\n  +Encores sont aultres bestes\n    +Yet ben ther othir bestes                    16\n  Dont on na cure de mengier:\n    Wherof men recche not to ete:\n  Loups, reynards, fouines,\n    Wulues, foxes, fichews,\n  Olifans, lupars, catz,\n    Olifa{u}nts, lupardis, cattes,\n  Singes, asnes, chiens.\n  Ourse mengue on bien;\n    A bere, men ete well;\n  Si faitton chieures.\n    So doo men ghotes.\n  +On ne mengue point\n    +Men ete not\n  Aigles, griffons,\n  Espreuiers, faucons,\n    Sperhawkes, faucons,\n  Oistoirs, escouffles.\n    Haukes, kytes.\n  Des bestes venimeuses:--\n    Of bestes venemous:--\n  Serpens, lasartz, scorpions,\n    Serpentes, lizarts, scorpions,                28\n  Mouches, veers;\n    Flies, wormes;\n  Qui de ces veers sera morse\n    Who of thise wormes shall be byten\n  Il luy fauldra triacle;\n    He must have triacle;\n  Se ce non, il en moroit.\n  Or apres ores des poissons.\n    Now herafter shall ye here of fissh.\n  ++DEs poissons poez oyer\n    ++OF the fisshes may ye here\n  Les noms daulcuns,\n    The names of somme,\n  Non mie de trestouts,\n  Car je ne les sca{ur}oye\n    For I ne wote not\n  Comment tres tous cognoistre[1];\n    How alle to knowe;\n    [Footnote 1: coguoistre]\n[Sidenote: P. 11.]\n  Ainsi ne font les maronners.\n    Also ne doo not the maroners.\n  Premiers des poissons de mer:\n    First of fisshes of the see:                  40\n[Headnote: NAMES OF SEA AND RIVER-FISH, AND OF WHITE MEATS.]\n  +De la mer vous viennent\n    +Fro the see to you come\n  Balainnes, porc de mer,\n    Whales, pourpays,\n  Cabellau, plays, esclefins,\n    Coddelyng, plays, haddoks,\n  Sugles, rayes,\n  Merlens, esparlens, rouges,\n    Whityng, sprotte, rogettis,\n  Maqueriaulx, mulets,\n    Makerell, molettis,\n  Bresmes, aloses, esturgeon,\n    Bremes, alouses, sturgeon,\n  Frescz herencs, congres,\n  Herencs sorees.\n    Reed heeryng.\n  +Daultre poissons\n    +Of othir fisshes\n  De riuieres, meng\u00edes:\n    Of the river, ete:\n  Carpres, anguilles,\n  Lu[c]es, becques, becquets,\n    Luses, pikes, pikerellis,\n  Tenques, perques,\n    Tenches, perches,\n  Roches, creuiches,\n    Roches, creuyches,\n  Loques, gouuions,\n  Saulmon de pluiseurs maniers,\n    Samon of diuerse maners,\n  Saulmon de la meuse,\n    Samon of the mase,\n  Saulmon de scoche,\n    Samon of scotland,\n  Garnars, oysters, moules.\n    Shrimpes, oystres, muskles.                   20\n  Qui plus en scet plus, en no{m}me;\n    Who knoweth more, name he more;\n  Car ie ne scay de plus parler.\n    For I ne knowe no more to speke.\n  ++OR nommons les compenages\n    ++NOw name we the white mete\n  Et ce quon en fait.\n  Premierment laict et bure,\n    First mylke and butter,\n  Fromages dengletere,\n    Chese of englond,\n  Fromages de champayne,\n    Chese of champayne,\n  De brye, de berghes,\n  De vaches, de brebys,\n    Of kien, of sheep,\n  Fromages de chieueres;\n    Chese of gheet;\n  Oefs de gelynes, dauwe,\n    Egges of hennes, of ghees,\n  Oefs dannettes.\n  De laict et doefs\n    Of mylke and of egges\n  Faitton flans;\n    Men make flawnes;\n  De laict[1] bouly a le flour\n    Of mylke soden with the flour\n  Faitton rastons,\n    [Footnote 1: laicts]\n  Et de chars pastees;\n    And of flessh pasteyes;\n  De craisme faitton bure;\n    Of kreme make me butter;\n  De laict de brebis\n    Of the mylke of sheep\n  Faitton gaufres;\n[Headnote: NAMES OF FRUITS, TREES, HERBS, AND POT-HERBS.]\n[Sidenote: P. 12.]\n  Wasteletz, rastons,\n    Wastles, eyrekakis,\n  Furent oublies.\n    Were forgeten.\n  ++DE fruit ores no{m}mer\n    ++OF fruit shall ye here named\n  Poires, pommes, prounes,\n  Cherises, fourd[r]ines,\n    Cheryes, sloes,\n  Moures, freses, noix,\n    Morberies, strawberies, notes,\n  Pesques, nesples,\n    Pesshes, medliers,\n  Figes, roisin,\n  Amandes, dades.\n    Almandes, dates.\n  ++LEs noms des arbres:\n    ++THe names of trees:\n  Porrier, pommier, cherisier,\n    Pere tree, apple tree, cherye tree,\n  Pesquier, figier, mourier,\n    Pesshe tree, fygtree, morbery tree,           12\n  Nesplier, prounier[1], chesne,\n    Medliertree, plomtree, ooke,\n  Fresne, gaucquier, Oliuier\n    Asshe, nokertree, olyuetree,\n  Saulx, espinier, palmier.\n    Wylough, thorne, palmetree.\n    [Footnote 1: pronnier]\n  +Desoubz ces arbres\n  Sont herbes souef[2] flairans.\n    Ben herbes suete smellyng.\n    [Footnote 2: sonef]\n  Il ya roses vermeilles, blances,\n    There ben roses reed, white,\n  Mente, confite, et graine,\n    Mynte, confyte, and grayne,\n  Fleurdelyts, ouppe,\n  Et hayes es prets.\n    And hedges in medowes.\n  +Es boys sont[3] les verdures,\n    +In wodes ben the verdures,\n  Grouseillers, grouselles,\n    Brembles, bremble beries,\n  Les treuue on souuent\n  En gardins sur les mottes.\n    In gardyns on the mottes.\n    [Footnote 3: sout]\n  +Ens es preets est herbes\n    +Within the medewis is the grasse\n  Dont[4] on fait faing;\n    Wherof men make heye;\n    [Footnote 4: Dout]\n  Sy a des cardons et ortyes;\n    So ben ther thistles and nettles;             28\n  +Encore sont en les gardins\n    +Yet ben in the gardynes\n  Rouges coulles et blanches,\n    Rede cool and white,\n  Porions, oignons[5],\n    Porreette, oynyons,\n    [Footnote 5: oiguons]\n  Betes, cherfeul, persin,\n  Saulge, ysope, tymon,\n    Sauge, ysope, tyme,\n  Laittues, pourcelaine,\n    Letews, porselane,\n  Querson, gelouffre,\n    Kersses, geloffres,\n  Naueaulx[6], aulx, feneulle,\n  Espinces, borages.\n    Spynache, borage.\n    [Footnote 6: Naneaulx]\n  ++CE sont les pottages:\n    ++THise ben the potages:\n  Poys, feues;\n  Garnee quon fait de bled,\n    Furmente whiche is made of whete,\n[Headnote: COMMON DRINKS.--MARCHANDISE OF CLOTHS.]\n  Chaudel pour les malades,\n    Caudell for the seke,\n  Gruwell et porrees.\n    Growell and wortes.\n[Sidenote: P. 13.]\n  ++CE so{u}nt les buuraiges:\n    ++THise ben the drynkes:\n  Vin de rin et dausay[1],\n    Rynyssh wyn and of elzeter,                    4\n    [Footnote 1: dansay]\n  Vin de beane et de germole,\n    Wyn of beane and of germole,\n  Vin fransoys et de spayne,\n    Frenssh wyn and of spayne,\n  Muskadel & bastard,\n    Muscadel and bastard,\n  Vin dosoye et de garnate,\n    Wyn of oseye and of garnade,                   8\n  Vin de gascoyne,\n    Wyn of gascoyne,\n  Maluesye, romenye,\n    Malueseye, romeneye,\n  Vin cuit, vin gregois;\n    Wyn soden, wyn greek;\n  Ypocras & clarey sont fait\n    Ypocras and clarey ben made                   12\n  De vin & bonnes espices;\n    Of wyn and good spices;\n  Blanc vin, vin vermeil,\n    White wyn, rede wyn,\n    [Footnote: (Cx. mermeil)]\n  Miel, mies,\n    Hony, mede,\n  Seruoise dangletere,\n  Seruoise dalemayne;\n    Byre of alemayne;\n  Sydre est fait de pommes;\n    Syther is made of apples;\n  Boulie est faitte\n    Boulye is made\n  Diauwe & de leuain,\n  Et de tercheul.\n    And of wurte.\n  Fontaine boit on bien.\n    Welle watre drynke me well,\n  Liauwe boiuent les bestes;\n    Watre drynke the bestes;\n  Si bue[2] on les toilles.\n    So wesshe me with all lynnenclothis.          24\n    [Footnote 2: buc]\n[Sidenote: [CH. V.]]\n  ++DAultres choses sa{u}ns attendre,\n    ++OF othir thinge withoute taryeng,\n  Endementiers quil me souuient,\n    Whiles that I remembre,\n  Vous veul deuiser et aprendre.\n    I wyll to you deuise and teche.\n  Se vous voules bergaignier\n  Draps ou aultres marchandisses,\n    Wullen cloth or othir marchandise,\n  Sy alles a le halle\n    So goo to the halle\n  Qui est ou marchiet;\n    Whiche is in the market;\n  Sy montes les degretz;\n  La trouueres les draps:\n    There shall ye fynde the clothes:\n  Draps mesles,\n    Clothes medleyed,\n  Rouge drap ou vert,\n    Red cloth or grene,\n  Bleu asuret,\n  Gaune, vermeil,\n    Yelow, reed,\n  Entrepers, moret,\n    Sad blew, morreey,\n  Royet, esquiekeliet,\n    Raye, chekeryd,\n  Saye blanche & bleu,\n[Headnote: HOW TO BUY CLOTH. HE TRIES TO BEAT HER DOWN.]\n  Escarlate en grain.\n    Scarlet in grayne.\n  ++SY poes commencer\n    ++SO may ye begynne\n  Par tele salutation\n    By suche gretyng\n  Co{m}me il est en primier chapitle.\n    As it is in the first chapitre.                4\n[Sidenote: P. 14.]\n  \u201cDame, que faittes vous laulne\n    \u201cDame, what hold ye the elle\n  De ces draps,\n    Of this cloth?\n  Ou que vault le drap entier?\n    Or what is worth the cloth hole?\n  Embrief parler, combien laulne?\u201d\n    In shorte to speke, how moche thelle?\u201d         8\n  \u201cSire, rayson;\n    \u201cSyre, resone;\n  Ie vous en feray rayson;\n    I shall doo to you resone;\n  Vous layres au bon marchie.\u201d\n    Ye shall haue it good cheep.\u201d\n  \u201cVoir, pour cattel,\n  Dame, il conuient[1] gaignier.\n    Dame, me must wynne.\n    [Footnote 1: coniuent]\n  Gardes que ien paiera.\u201d\n    Take hede what I shall paye.\u201d\n  \u201cQuatre soulz de laulne,\n    \u201cFour shelynges for the elle,\n  Sil vous plaist.\u201d\n  \u201cCe ne seroit mie sens.\n    \u201cHit ne were no wysedom.\n  Pour tant vouldroie je auoir\n    For so moche wold I haue\n  Bonne[2] escarlate!\u201d\n    Good scarlete!\u201d\n    [Footnote 2: Bonue]\n  \u201cVous aues droit,\n  Se vous puisses.\n    Yf ye maye.\n  Mais iay encore tel\n    But I haue yet somme\n  Qui nest mie du meillour,\n    Whiche is not of the beste,\n  Que ie ne donroye point\n  Pour sept souldz.\u201d\n    For seuen shelynges.\u201d\n  \u201cJe vous en croys bien;\n    \u201cI you bileue well;\n  Mais ce nest mye drap\n    But this is no suche cloth\n  De tant dargent,\n  Ce scaues vous bien!\n    That knowe ye well!\n  Ce que vous en laires\n    This that ye shall leue\n  Le sera[3] vendre.\u201d\n    Shall be solde.\u201d\n    [Footnote 3: See the Notes.]\n  \u201cSire, que vault il?\u201d\n  \u201cDame, il me vauldroit\n    \u201cDame, it were worth to me\n  Bien trois souls.\u201d\n    Well thre shellyngs.\u201d\n  \u201cCest mal offert,\n    \u201cThat is euyll boden,\n  Ou trop demande;\n  Encores ameroie mieulx\n    Yet had I leuer\n  Quil fust dor in vostre escrin.\u201d\n    That it were gold in your cheste.\u201d\n  \u201cDamoyselle, vous ne perderes\n    \u201cDamoyselle, ye shold not lese theron\n  Ja croix;\n[Headnote: HOW TO BUY CLOTH. THE METER NOT CALLED FOR.]\n  Mais dittes acertes\n    But saye certainly\n  Comment je lauray\n    How shall I haue it\n  Sa{u}ns riens laissier.\u201d\n    Withoute thyng to leue.\u201d\n  \u201cJe le vous donray a vng mot:\n    \u201cI shall gyue it you at one worde:             4\n  Certes, se vous le aues,\n    Certaynly, if ye haue it,\n  Vous en paieres chinq souls\n    Ye shall paye fyue shellyngs\n[Sidenote: P. 15.]\n  De tant daulnes\n    For so many elles\n  Que vous en prenderes;\n  Car ie nen[1] lairay riens[2].\u201d\n    For I wyll abate no thyng.\u201d\n    [Footnote 1: neu]\n    [Footnote 2: rieus]\n  \u201cDame, que vaudroit dont\n    \u201cDame, what shall auaylle thenne\n  Longues parolles?\n    Longe wordes?\n  Tailles pour moy une pair de robes.\u201d\n    Cutte for me a pair of gounes.\u201d               12\n  \u201cCombien en tailleray ie?\u201d\n    \u201cHow moche shall I cutte?\u201d\n  \u201cTant que vous quidies\n    \u201cAlso moche as ye wene\n  Que mestier mest\n    As me shall nede\n  Pour vng sourcote,\n  Pour vng cotte,\n    For a cote,\n  Pour vne heucque,\n    For an hewke,\n  Pour vne paire de chausses.\u201d\n    For a pair hosen.\u201d\n  \u201cSire, il vous en fauldra[3]\n  Bien quinse aulnes.\u201d\n    Well fiften elles.\u201d\n    [Footnote 3: enfauldra]\n  \u201cDe par dieu, tailles les.\n    \u201cIn goddes name, cutte them.\n  De quelle largesse est il?\u201d\n    Of what brede is it?\u201d\n  \u201cDe deulx aulnes et demye.\u201d\n  \u201cCest bonne largesse.\n    \u201cThat is good brede.\n  Tailles a lautre deboute.\u201d\n    Cutte at that othir ende.\u201d\n  \u201cCest tout ung, par mon alme!\n    \u201cHit is all one, by my soule!\n  Mais ie le feroy volentiers.\u201d\n  \u201cDame, messures bien.\u201d\n    \u201cDame, mete well.\u201d\n  \u201cSire, ie ne men confesseray ia\n    \u201cSire, I shall never shriue me therof\n  De ce que ie vous detenray.\u201d\n    Of that I shall with-holde yow.\u201d\n  \u201cDame, ce scay ie bien;\n  Si ie ne vous creusse\n    If I had not trusted you\n  Ieuis appelle le messureur.\u201d\n    I had called the metar.\u201d\n  \u201cSire, sil vous plaist,\n    \u201cSire, yf it plese you,\n  On lappellera.\u201d\n  \u201cNennil[4] voir, dame,\n    \u201cNay truly, dame,\n  Ie me tieng bien\n    I holde me well\n  Content de vous;\n    Content with you;\n    [Footnote 4: Nenuil]\n  Car il me semble\n[Headnote: PAYING THE BILL.--ENGLISH GROATS, FLEMISH COINS, ETC.]\n  Que vous maues[1] bien fait.\n    That ye haue to me well done.\n    [Footnote 1: manes]\n  Ployes le de par dieu.\u201d\n    Folde it up in goddes name.\u201d\n  \u201cNon[2] feray, sauue le vostre grace;\n    \u201cI shall not, sauf your grace;\n  Je veul que vous messures.\u201d\n    [Footnote 2: Nou]\n  \u201cDame, puis que ie me tieng\n    \u201cDame, syth that I me holde\n  Plainement content,\n    Playnly content,\n  Et puis que bien me souffist,\n    And sith it well me suffyseth,\n  Il nest besoin de le remesurer.\n    It is no nede to mete it agayn.                8\n[Sidenote: P. 16.]\n  Tien, valton, si le porte,\n    Holde thou, boye, and bere it;\n  Tu auras vng mayll.\n    Thou shalt haue an halfpeny.\n  Or, dame, combien monte\n    Now, dame, how moche cometh it to,\n  Ce que iay de vous?\u201d\n  \u201cSire, se vous me baillies\n    \u201cSyre, yf ye gyue to me\n  Disenoof souls,\n    xix shellyngs,\n  Vous me paieries bien;\n    Ye shall paye me well;\n  Tant me debues vous.\u201d\n  \u201cDamoyselle, tenez, comptez.\u201d\n    \u201cDamoyselle, holde, telle.\u201d\n  \u201cQuelle monnoye\n    \u201cWhat moneye\n  Me donnez vous?\u201d\n    Gyue ye to me?\u201d\n  \u201cBonne monnoye;\n  Ce sont gros dangletere;\n    Thise ben grotes of englond;\n  Tels y a[3] de flaundres;\n    Suche ther be of flaundres;\n    [Footnote 3: ya]\n  Patards et demi patards;\n    Plackes and half plackes;\n  Les vieulx gros dangletere\n    The olde grotes of englond                    24\n  Qui valent chincque deniers;\n    Which be worth v pens;\n  Les noueaulx valent iiij. deniers;\n    The newe be worth foure pens;\n  Vous le debues bien scavoir,\n    Ye ought well to knowe,\n  Qui tant dargent recepues.\u201d\n    That so moche moneye receyue[6].\u201d             28\n    [Footnote 6: receyne]\n  \u201cVous dittes voir, sire.\u201d\n    \u201cYe saye trouthe, sire.\u201d\n  \u201cMais vous ameries mieulx\n    \u201cBut ye had leuer\n  Florins[4] du rin,\n    Rynysh guldrens,\n    [Footnote 4: Florius]\n  Escutz du roy,\n  Royaulx nobles dangletere,\n    Ryallis nobles of englond,\n  Salutz door lyons,\n    Salews of gold lyons,\n  Viez estrelins deniers.\u201d\n    Olde sterlingis pens.\u201d\n  \u201cCest tout bonne monneye;\n  Mais que ie le puisse doner?\u201d\n    Ye, and I may gyue it oute?\u201d\n  \u201cOyl, vous lez donerez[5] bien\n    \u201cYes, ye shall gyue it oute well\n  Dedains la ville\n    Within the toune\n  Et par tout le pays,\n    And all aboute the contre,                    40\n    [Footnote 5: alonerez]\n[Headnote: THE SELLER PLEASED. CLOTH OF MANY TOWNS.]\n  En touttes denrees,\n    In all peny worthes,\n  En touttes marchandyses.\u201d\n    In all marchandyses.\u201d\n  \u201cBiau sire, ie me loe de vous;\n    \u201cFair sire, I am well plesyd with you;\n  Si que sil vous falloit\n    Were it so that ye failled                     4\n  Aulcune denree\n    Ony ware\n  Dont ie me mesle,\n    Of whiche I medle with,\n  Ou que jay entremayns,\n    Or that I haue under hande,\n  Vous le pourries emporter\n  Sans[1] maille sans[2] denier;\n    Withoute halpeny or peny;\n  Sy bien maues paiet.\u201d\n    So well haue ye me payd.\u201d\n    [Footnote 1: Saus]\n    [Footnote 2: saus]\n[Sidenote: P. 17.]\n  \u201cTres grand merchis!\n    \u201cRight grete gramercy!\n  Sachies que mon argent\n  Vous aries deuant[3] ung aultre.\n    Ye shall haue tofore an othir.\n    [Footnote 4: that that]\n    [Footnote 3: denant]\n  Ce seroit droit\n    Hit were right\n  Pour vostre debonairete,\n    For your goodlynes,\n  Pour la courtoysie\n  Qui est en vous.\u201d\n    That is in you.\u201d\n  \u201cCe nest mye\n    \u201cIt ne[5] is not\n  Le derrain argent\n    The last siluer\n  Que vous ares de moy,\n  Comment ce que soit le premier.\n    How be it that this is the first.\n    [Footnote 5: en]\n  ++CAr il men fault ale fois,\n    ++FOr me behoueth othir while,\n  Et as mes compaignons,\n    And to my felaws,\n  Draps de maintes manires,\n  De pluiseurs villes,\n    Of many tounes,\n  De loundres, de euerwik,\n    Of london, of yorke,\n  De bristow, de bathon,\n    Of bristow, of bathe,\n  De paris, de roaen,\n  De bruges, de gaund,\n    Of brugges, of gaunt,\n  De ypres, de tournay,\n    Of ypre, of dornyk,\n  De lylle, de dixmude,\n    Of ryselle, of dixmuthe,\n  De menin, de comines,\n  De bailloil, de poperinghes,\n    Of belle, of poperyng,\n  De denremond, daloste,\n    Of dendremonde, of aloste,\n  De saincte omer, de valenciene,\n    Of saint omers, of valensynes,\n  Des brouxellis, de malins,\n    Of brussels, of mechelyne,                    36\n  De louuain, danuers.\n    Of louayn, of andwerp.\n  ++AInsi ie pense a aller,\n    ++ALso I thinke to goo,\n  Sil plaist a dieu,\n    Yf it plaise to god,\n  A le feste de bruges,\n[Headnote: NAMES OF FAIRS, WOOL, HIDES, SKINS, SPICES.]\n  A le feste danuers,\n    To the marte of andwarp,\n  A le feste[1] de berghes,\n    To the marte of berow,\n    [Footnote 1: festes]\n  A le feste de sterebrige,\n    To the faire of sterbrigge,\n  A le feste de salesburye,\n    To the faire of salesbury,                     4\n  A le feste de seynct bertilmeu\n    To seint bartilmews faire\n  Que serra a loundres,\n    Whiche shall be at london,\n  A le dedicacion de challons,\n    To the chirchehalyday of chalons,\n  A le foire de cambrige,\n    To the faire of cambrigge,                     8\n  A le procession de Westmonaistre,\n    To the procession of Westmestre,\n  A le procession general.\n    To the procession general.\n  ++SI achatteray des laines.\u201d\n    ++ANd I shall bye wulle.\u201d\n  \u201cComent donnes vous le poise?\n[Sidenote: P. 18.]\n  Que voules vous auoir du clau?\n    What wyll ye haue of the nayll?\n  Que donrai ie de la pierre?\n    What shall I gyue for the stone?\n  Que vault la liure\n    What is worth the pound\n  De cest laine daygneaulx?\u201d\n  Vous responderes\n    Ye shall ansuere\n  Ainsi que est escript ailleurs.\n    Also as it is wreton els where.\n  ++ENcore ne lairoi ie mie\n    ++YEt shall I not leue it\n  Que ie ne achatte\n  Peaulx de vaches,\n    Hydes of kyen,\n  De quoy on fait cuyr.\n    Wherof men make lether.\n  De peaulx de chieures ou de bouk\n    Of fellis of gheet or of the bukke\n  Faitton bon cordewan;\n  De peaulx de brebis\n    Of shepes fellis\n  Peult estre fait le basenne;\n    May be made the basenne;\n  Si en faitton parcemin\n    So make men also perchemyn\n  En quoy on escript.\n  Or aues oyet\n    Now haue ye herd\n  Des draps, des laines,\n    Of clothes, of wulle,\n  Des peaulx, et des cuyrs\n    Of fellis, and of lether,\n  Tout en ung chapitle.\n[Sidenote: [CH. VI.]]\n  ++POur ce que ie ne suy\n    ++FOr that I am not\n  Especier ne apoticaire,\n    Spycier ne apotecarie\n  Ne scay mie nommer\n    I can not name\n  Touttes manieres despeces;\n  Mais ien nomerai vne partie:\n    But I shall name a partie:\n  Gingembre, galigan,\n    Gynger, galingale,\n  Cubelles, saffran,\n    Cubibes, saffran,\n  Poiure, commin,\n[Headnote: NAMES OF POWDERS, OILS, WAX, WRITING-TABLES, ETC.]\n  Chucre blanc & brun,\n    Sugre white and broun,\n  Fleur de cammelle,\n    Flour of cammelle,\n  Anijs, graine de paradis;\n    Anyse, graynes of paradys;\n  De ces choses faitton confections\n    Of thise thinges be made confections           4\n  Et bonnes pou[d]res,\n    And good poudres,\n  De quoy on fait\n    Wherof is made\n  Bonnes sausses\n    Good sausses\n  Et electuaires de medicine.\n    And electuaries for medicines.                 8\n  ++OR dirons nous des oyles.\n    ++NOw shall we saye of the oyles.\n  Oyle doliue & de semaile,\n    Oyle of olyue and of feldeseed,\n  Oyle doliette & de nauette,\n    Oyle of mecop and of rapeseed,\n  Oyle de lingnuyse,\n  Oyle de chenneue;\n    Oyle of hempseed;\n  Sy faitton moustarde.\n    And men make mustard.\n[Sidenote: P. 19.]\n  ++IE achatteray choses\n    ++I Shall bye thinges\n  Dont on fait pointures:\n    Wherof ben made paintures:                    16\n  Asur et vert de spaigne\n    Asure and grene of spayne,\n  Vermeyllon, brezil,\n    Vermeyllon, brasyll,\n  Vernis, orpiement.\n    Vernysshe, orpement.\n  ++ENcore ie veul emploier\n  Ung somme dargent en sel,\n    A somme of siluer in salte,\n  En poit, en harpoit,\n    In pycche, in rosyn,\n  En verde chire,\n    In grene waxe,\n  En rouge et gaune chire,\n  En noir chire,\n    In black waxe,\n  De quoy on emplist\n    Wherof be fyllyd\n  Les tables\n    The tables\n  En quoy on aprend\n  Les enfans escripre;\n    The children to write;\n  Et du sieu,\n    And of siewet,\n  Saing du porc\n    The fatte of a swyne\n  Pour faire pottages;\n  Saing de herencs;\n    Sayme of hereng;\n  On en oint les sorles.\n    Men enoynte therwyth shoes.\n  ++SE je treuue del alun,\n    ++IF I fynde alume,\n  Jen achatteray par balles,\n  Car il appertient en la taincture;\n    For it belongeth in the dyerye;\n  Guades et guarance.\n    Wood and mader.\n  Mais comment que ie\n    But how that I\n  Moy entremelle\n[Headnote: MEASURES, WEIGHTS, METALS AND OTHER WARES.]\n  A faire ce liure,\n    To make this book,\n  Et ie sache une partie\n    And I know a partie\n  Coment on no{m}me les choses;\n    How men name the thinges;\n  Pour ce ie ne scay mie\n  Comment ne pour combien\n    How ne for how moche\n  Que on vent les biens,\n    That men selle the goodes,\n  Par mesure ou par poix,\n    By mesure or by weyght,\n  Par quarters ou par sestiers,\n    By quarters or by sextiers,                    8\n  Par liures ou par demy liures,\n    By poundes or by half poundes,\n  Ou par onches,\n    Or by vnces,\n  Par ballances ou par to{n}niaulx,\n    By balances or by barellis,\n  Par vassiaulx ou par balles,\n  Par sacs ou par quierques.\n    By sackes or by lastes.\n  Si que chil\n    So that he\n  Que scauoir le veult\n    That wyll knowe it\n  Il le pourra demander\n[Sidenote: P. 20.]\n  Aux marchans\n    At the marchans\n  Qui bien le sceuent.\n    Whiche well knowe it.\n  ++ENcore ie nay mye\n    ++YEt I haue not\n  Nomme les metaulx\n  Qui sensieuent[1]:\n    Whiche folowe:\n    [Footnote 1: seusiuent]\n  Fer, achier, plomb, estain,\n    Yron, steell, leed, tynne,\n  Keuure & arain,\n    Coppre and bras,\n  Or, argent, choses dorees,\n    Gold, siluer, thinges gylt,                   24\n  Choses dargentees,\n    Thinges siluerid,\n  Coroyes a claux dargent,\n    Gyrdellis with nayles of siluer,\n  Sainture de soye\n    Corse of silke\n  A boucle dargent,\n  Boursses ouuries a leguille.\n    Purses wrought with the nedle.\n  ++CHe sont marchandises:\n    ++THise ben marchandises:\n  Eguilles, espengles,\n    Nedles, pynnes,\n  Aloyeres, tasses,\n  Coffyns & escriptoires,\n    Coffyns and penners,\n  Alesnes, graffes,\n    Alles, poyntels,\n  Cornets[2] a encre,\n    Enke hornes,\n  Coutiaulx[3], forches,\n    [Footnote 2: Coruets]\n    [Footnote 3: Contiaulx]\n  Huuettes de soye,\n    Huues of silke,\n  Coyfes dhommes,\n    Coyfes for men,\n  Pendoyrs de soye,\n    Pendants of silke,\n  Lachets, lannieres,\n[Headnote: SILKS. GRAINS. TITLES OF NOBILITY.]\n  Soye vermeylle,\n    Reed silke,\n  Verde, gaune,\n    Grene, yelowe,\n  noire soye;\n    Black silke;\n  De ces soyes\n  Faitton bordures.\n    Make me broythures.\n  ++CHi feray ie fin,\n    ++HEre I shall make an ende,\n  Et diray des graines:\n    And shall saye of graynes:\n  Bled, fourment,\n  Soille, orge,\n    Rye, barlye,\n  Auaynne, vesches,\n    Otes, vessches,\n  Feues, poys.\n    Benes, pesen.\n  De ces choses suy ie lasses,\n    Of thise thinges I am wery,                   12\n  Si que ie men reposeray.\n    So that I shall reste me.\n[Sidenote: [CH. VII.]]\n  ++MAis les grandes seigneurs no{m}meray;\n    ++BUt the grete lordes I shall name;\n  Les prelats de saincte eglise;\n    The prelats of holy chirche;\n  Les princes, les grandes seigneurs.\n    The princes, the grete lordes.                16\n  Premiers des plus haulx:\n    Fyrst of the hyest:\n  Cest de nostre saint pere\n    That is of our holy fadre\n[Sidenote: P. 21.]\n  Le pape de romme,\n    The pope of rome,\n  Qui demeure a auignon;\n    Which duelleth at auynyon;                    20\n  Qui par droit deuroit estre\n    That by right shold be\n  A grand romme.\n    At grete rome.\n  Apres est le empereur\n    Next is the emperour\n  Le plus grand seigneur,\n  Lemperesse greigneur dame,\n    Themperesse the grettest lady,\n  De tout le monde;\n    Of all the world;\n  Elle est royne dallemaygne.\n    She is quene of almayne.\n  Le roy de fraunce\n  Est le plus riche roy\n    Is the most riche kyng\n  De tresour qui vist\n    Of tresour that lyueth\n  De la la mer;\n    Beyonde the see;\n  Le roy dangletere apres\n    The kyng of englond after                     32\n  Est le plus puissance & riche.\n    Is the most myghty and riche.\n  Le roy de spayne,\n    The kyng of spayne,\n  Le roy darragon,\n    The kyng of aragon,\n  Le roy de cecile,\n  Le roy de nauare,\n    The kyng of nauerne,\n  Le roy de behaine,\n    The kyng[1] of beme,\n    [Footnote 1: byng]\n  Le roy de polaine,\n    The kyng of poole,\n[Headnote: KINGS. DIGNITARIES OF THE CHURCH, MONKS, ETC.]\n  Le roy de dace,\n    The kyng of denmarke,\n  Le roy de portingal,\n    The kyng of portingale,\n  Le roy de scoce,\n    The kyng of scotland,\n  Le roy de naples,\n  Le roy Jherusalem.\n    The kyng of Jherusalem.\n  Larcheuesque de cauntorbie,\n    Tharchebisshop of caunterbury,\n  Larcheuesque deuerwike,\n    Tharchebisshop of yorke,\n  Larcheuesque de coloine,\n    Tharchebisshop of coleyne,                     8\n  De rains, de rohen,\n    Of raynes, of roen,\n  De magonce, de trieris.\n    Of mence, of treyer.\n  Leuesque de loundres,\n    The bisshop of london,\n  Leuesque de wincestre,\n    The bisshop of wynchestre,                    12\n  Leuesque de chestre,\n    The bisshop of chestre,\n  Leuesque de lincolne,\n    The bisshop of lyncolne,\n  Leuesque de paris,\n    The bisshop of parys,\n  Leuesque de senlis,\n  Leuesque de biauuaix,\n    The bisshop of biauuays,\n  Leuesque de liege,\n    The bisshop of luke,\n  Leuesque de cambray,\n    The bisshop of camerik,\n  Leuesque de terwaen.\n  Mais par deseure eulx\n    But aboue them\n[Sidenote: P. 22.]\n  Sont les dousze cardinaulx.\n    Ben the xii. cardynals.\n  Par desoubz les euesques\n    Vnder the bisshoppes\n  Sont les abbees,\n  Les officiaulx,\n    The officials,\n  Les preuosts, les doyens,\n    The prouostes, the denes,\n  Les pryeurs, les gardiens.\n    The pryours, the wardeyns.\n  Desoubs tels maistres\n  Sont les prebstres.\n    Ben the prestes.\n  Les channonnes sont renteez;\n    The chanons ben rented;\n  On veult dyre\n    Men wyll saye\n  Que vng abbe de clingny\n  Est le plus riche clercq\n    Is the richest clerke\n  Qui soit en[1] le monde\n    That isin the world\n  Apres le pape.\n    Next the pope.\n    [Footnote 1: on]\n  Grys moysnes sont\n  Del ordene de chistiaulx;\n    Of the ordre of cistiauls;\n  Saint bernard est leur patron.\n    Seint bernard is theyr patron.\n  Blancs moynes treuue on\n    White monkys men fynde\n  Del ordene de premonstre;\n    Of the ordre of premonstrence;                40\n[Headnote: MONKS AND NUNS. THE GREAT ONES OF THE WORLD.]\n  Noirs moisnes del ordene\n    Blac monkes of the ordre\n  Saincte benoit;\n    Of seynt benet;\n  Guillemynes, freres mineurs,\n    Wyllemyns and frere menours,\n  Jacopins, chartreurs,\n    Blac freris & monkes of chartre ho{us},        4\n  Carmes, Augustins,\n    White freris and austyns,\n  Prescheurs, Bogars,\n    Prechers, lewd freris,\n  Curats, chappelains,\n    Curattes, chappelains,\n  Abbesses, prioresses,\n  Nonnains\n    Nonnes\n  Del ordene saynt clare,\n    Of the ordre of seint clare,\n  Beghines, clergesses.\n    Beghyns, clergesses.\n  ++ORes viennent les noms\n  Des ducs, des countes,\n    Of dukes, of erles,\n  De duc deuerwik,\n    Of the duke of yorke,\n  De duc de lancastre,\n    Of the duke of lancastre,\n  De duc de bretaigne,\n  De duc de guyhenne,\n    Of the duke of guyan,\n  De duc de ghelres,\n    Of the duke of gheldreland,\n  De duc de bourgoigne,\n    Of the duke of burgoyne,\n  De duc daustrice;\n  Le counte darondel,\n    The erle of arondel,\n  Le counte de kente,\n    The erle of kente,\n  Le counte dessex,\n    The erle of essex,\n[Sidenote: P. 23.]\n  Le[1] counte weruy,\n    [Footnote 1: La]\n  Le counte de flaundres,\n    The erle of flaundres,\n  Le counte de clermont,\n    The erle of clermonde,\n  De boulougne, de sainct pol,\n    Of boloyne, of saint pol,\n  De hainau, de holant;\n  Chastelain de douures;\n    Castelayn of douer;\n  Viscounte de biaumont,\n    Vycounte[3] of beaumond,\n  De bourshier, de berghes,\n    Of bousser, of berow,\n  Cheualiers, esquiers hardyz.\n    [Footnote 3: Vyconnte]\n  Messire ernoul de noirs est banerets[2]\n    Sir arnold of noirs is a banerett\n  Et fu connestable de fraunce.\n    And was conestable of fraunce.\n    [Footnote 2: bauerets]\n  Messier daspremont\n    My lord of aspremond\n  Est double banerets.\n  Les noms des dames:\n    The names of ladies:\n  La bonne royne,\n    The good quene,\n  Ducesse, contesse, princesse;\n    Duchesse, countesse, princesse;\n  Pour teles dames\n[Headnote: NAMES (WITH FOLK\u2019S TRADES): ADAM--ABRAHAM.]\n  Sont les tournoys,\n    Ben the tournemens,\n  Les Joustemens,\n    The Joustynges,\n  Les grandes guerres,\n    The grete werres,\n  De quoy les grands maistres\n    Wherof the grete maistres                      4\n  D[e] theologie, dastronomye,\n    Of diuinite, of astronomye,\n  nen ont que faire,\n    Have not to doo,\n  Et sont en repoz,\n    And ben in reste,\n  Et les maistres de medicines\n    And the maistres of medicyns                   8\n  Et les cirurgiens aussi.\n    And the surgyens also.\n[Sidenote: [CH. VIII.]]\n  ++POur ce que pluyseurs mots\n    ++FOr this that many wordes\n  Cherront ou pourront cheoir\n    Shalle fall or may falle\n  Qui ne sont point plainement\n  Cy deuant escrips,\n    Here tofore wreton,\n  Sy vous escripray\n    So shall I write you\n  Doresenauant\n    Fro hens forth\n  Diuerses maters\n  De touttes choses,\n    Of all thynges,\n  Puis de lun puis de lautre,\n    Syth of one sith of anothir,\n  Ou quel chapitle\n    In which chapitre  [pp. 25-47]\n  Je veul conclure\n  Les noms dhommes & des femmes\n    The names of men and of wymmen\n  Selon lordre del a. b. c.,\n    After the ordre of a. b. c.,\n  Les noms des mestiers,\n    The names of craftes,\n  Sy comme vous poes oyer.\n[Sidenote: P. 24.]\n  \u201c++ADam, amaine cha\n    \u201c++ADam, bryng hyther\n  Mon cheual tantost,\n    My hors anone,\n  e luy metz\n    And sette on hym\n  La selle et le frain.\n  Ie cheuaucheray\n    I shall ryde\n  La iay promise a estre\n    There I haue promysed to be\n  A ung parlement\n    To a parlamente\n  Ou a ung annyuersaire.\n  Regarde sil est ferres\n    Beholde yf he be shoed\n  Des quatre piets;\n    On four feet;\n  Se il nelest,\n    Yf he be not,\n  Si le maine ferrer.\u201d\n  \u201c+Abraham, cest faict.\n    \u201c+Abraham, hit is done.\n  Tenes, montes;\n    Holde, sitte vp;\n  Chausies vous bousiaux,\n    Do on your bootes,\n  Vous esperons.\n[Headnote: ALPHABET OF NAMES: ADRYAN--ANCEL. _Wine._ _Breakfast._]\n  Puis vous desiunes\n    Syth breke your fast\n  Ainchois[1] que vous departes.\u201d\n    Er ye hens departe.\u201d\n    [Footnote 1: Amchois]\n  \u201c+Adryan, ou[2] en ales vous?\n    \u201c+Adryan, where well ye goo?\n    [Footnote 2: on]\n  Se vous alles mon chemyn\n  Ie vous tenroye companye.\u201d\n    I shall holde you companye.\u201d\n  \u201cSi en serroye moult Joyeulx.\u201d\n    \u201cSo shall I be moche glad.\u201d\n  \u201c+Alart, or en alons\n    \u201c+Alarde, now goo we\n  Sans[3] arrester\n  Se nous voulons venir\n    If we wylle come\n  Ainsi comme nous\n    Lyke as we\n  Et les aultres auons promis.\u201d\n    And the othir haue promised.\u201d\n    [Footnote 3: Saus]\n    [Footnote 6: Withonte]\n  \u201c+Abel, ou vendt on\n  Le meillour vin de cest ville?\n    The beste wyn of this toune?\n  Dictes le nous,\n    Saye it vs,\n  Nous vous en prions.\u201d\n    We pray you.\u201d\n  \u201c+Andrieu, le meillour vent on\n    \u201c+Andrew, the beste selleth me                16\n  A la rue des lombars.\n    In the strete of lombardis.\n  Car ie lay assaye;\n    For I haue assayed;\n  Cest dung plein tonniel,\n    Hit is of a full fatte,\n  Au pris de viij. deniers,\n  En le premier tauerne\n    And [at] the first tauerne\n  Que vous trouueres.\u201d\n    That ye shall fynde.\u201d\n  \u201c+Andrieu, va querre\n    \u201c+Andrew, goo fecche\n  Ung quart et demy,\n  Et te fais bien mesurer.\n    And doo the well to be meten.\n  Si buuerons ung trait;\n    So shall we drynke a draught;\n[Sidenote: P. 25.]\n  Nous desiunerons des trippes,\n    We shall breke our fast with trippes,\n  De la foye, du poumon,\n    Of the lyuer, of the longhe,                  28\n  Vng piet du buef,\n    A foot of an oxe,\n  Vng piet du porke,\n    A foot of a swyne,\n  Vng teste daux;\n    An hede of garlyke;\n  Se nous desiunerons[4]\n    So shall we breke our faste                   32\n  Et buuerons becq a becq.\u201d\n    And shall drynke becke to beck.\u201d\n    [Footnote 4: desiunerous]\n  \u201c+Ancel, mets la table\n    \u201c+Ancelme, sette the table\n  Et les estaulx,\n    And the trestles,\n  Laue les voirs,\n  Respaulme le[5] hanap,\n    Spoylle the cuppe,\n    [Footnote 5: la]\n  Dresce a manger,\n    Dresse to ete,\n  Taille du pain,\n    Cutte brede,\n  Laue le mortier\n[Headnote: NAMES: ARNOLD--ADRIEN. _Day-work._ _Months of the Year._]\n  Et le pestiel,\n    And the pestel,\n  Fay nous des aulx;\n    Make vs somme garlyk;\n  Nous en a{ur}ons toute jour\n    We shall haue all the day\n  Plus chault en nous membres.\u201d\n  \u201c+Arnoul, verses du vin,\n    \u201c+Arnold, gyue us wyne\n  Et nous donnes a boire.\u201d\n    And gyue vs to drynke.\u201d\n  \u201cNon feray; ie poyle des aulx.\n    \u201cI shall not, I pylle the gharlyk.\n  Alles ainchois[1] lauer;\n  Vous beuuries bien a temps.\u201d\n    Ye shall drynke well in tyme.\u201d\n    [Footnote 1: amchois]\n  \u201c+Aubin est a le[2] porte,\n    \u201c+Aubin is at the gate,\n  Mais al huys.\n    But at the dore.\n    [Footnote 2: ? la]\n  Vase le laisse ens.\n  Je croy quil maporte\n    I trowe that he bryngeth me\n  Ce quil me doibt.\u201d\n    That he me oweth.\u201d\n  +Anthoine est ung preudhomme[3];\n    +Antonye is a wyse man;\n  Il se lieue touts les nuyts\n    He ariseth alle the nyghtes                   16\n  Pour oyer mattines.\n    For to here matynes.\n    [Footnote 3: prendhomme]\n  Il ne me chault\n    Me ne reccheth\n  De son matin leuer\n    Of his erly risyng\n  Ou de son dormier,\n  Ne de son veiller.\n    Ne of his wakyng.\n    [Footnote 5: ? his]\n  \u201c+Augustin, ou estu?\u201d\n    \u201c+Austyn, where art thou?\u201d\n  \u201cIl est a lescole.\n    \u201cHe is at the scole,\n  Il sen ala a prime.\n  Il reuendra a tierce,\n    He shall come agayn at tyerse,\n  Non fera mie[4] a mydy.\u201d\n    He shall not at mydday.\u201d\n    [Footnote 4: nuie]\n  \u201cOr viegne a none.\u201d\n    \u201cNow come a none.\u201d\n  \u201cIe vouldroye quil demourast\n[Sidenote: P. 26.]\n  Iusques as vespres,\n    Vntil euensonge,\n  Voire, iusques a complye;\n    Ye truly, vntil complyne;\n  Et sil demourast\n    And yf he taried\n  Iusques a matines\n  Ou iusques a mynuyt,\n    Or vntil mydnyght,\n  Et sil ne reuenist iamais,\n    And yf he come neuer,\n  Ie ny acompteroye gaires.\u201d\n    I shold not recche moche.\u201d\n  \u201c+Adrien, parles a moy:\n  Combien de moys sont en lan?\n    How many monethes ben in the yere?\n  Quels sont ils?\u201d\n    Which ben they?\u201d\n  \u201cIanuier, Feurier,\n    \u201cJaniuer, Feuerer,\n  Mars, Apuril,\n[Headnote: NAMES: AGNES--APPOLINE. _Feasts and Terms._]\n  May, Iung,\n    Maye, Iuyn,\n  Iullet, Aougst,\n    Iuyll, August,\n  Septembre, Octobre,\n    Septembre, Octobre,\n  Nouembre, Decembre.\u201d\n  ++AGnes no meschyne\n    ++AGnes our maid\n  Scet bien nommer\n    Can well name\n  Toutes les grandes festes\n    All the grete festes\n  Et les termes de lan.\n    And the termes of the yere.                    8\n  \u201cDamoyselle, nommes les.\u201d\n    \u201cDamyselle, name them.\u201d\n  \u201cNon feray, se dieu mait;\n    \u201cI shall not, so god helpe me!\n  +Agathe les nommera.\u201d\n    +Agace shall name them.\u201d\n  \u201cDe par dieu, puis quainsi[1] soit!\n    \u201cIn gods name, sith it soo is!                12\n    [Footnote 1: quaiusi]\n  A noel, a pasques,\n    At cristemasse, at estre,\n  Alascension, a la pentechoste,\n    At assencion, at Whitsontid,\n  La trinite, a la saint iehan,\n    The trinite, at seint Johan,\n  Le iour de saint piere,\n  A le seint remy,\n    At seynt remyge,\n  Le iour de tous sains,\n    The day of all[5] halowes,\n    [Footnote 5: oll]\n  A le saint martin,\n    At seint martins messe,\n  A le saint xp\u014dfre,\n  A nostre dame en marche,\n    At our lady in marche,\n  A le chandeloer[2],\n    At candlemasse,\n    [Footnote 2: chandeber]\n  A la nostre dame my aoust,\n    At our lady in heruest,\n  A quaremien[3],\n    [Footnote 3: quaremiou]\n  Le iour de pasques florie,\n    The day of palme sonday,\n  Le iour de lan,\n    The new yers day,\n  Le[4] iour des trois roix,\n    The day of thre kynges,\n  Le[4] peneuse sepmaine,\n    [Footnote 4: Les]\n  An, demy an,\n    Yere, half yere,\n  Le iour du sacrament,\n    The day of sacrament,\n[Sidenote: P. 27.]\n  Le procession deuerwik,\n    The procession of yorke,\n  Le procession de couentre;\n    The procession of couentre;                   32\n  Les pardons de syon\n    The pardon of syon\n  Sero{u}nt au commencement daust.\u201d\n    Shall be at the begynnyng of august.\u201d\n  \u201c+Appoline, venes boire.\u201d\n    \u201c+Appolyn, come ete.\u201d\n  \u201cNon feray, saulue vostre grace!\n    \u201cI ne shall not, sauf your grace!             36\n  Encore buuray ie,\n    Yet shall I drynke,\n  Car ie ne refuse point\n    For I reffuse not\n  Le hanap\n    The cuppe;\n[Headnote: NAMES: ANASTASE--ALBERT. _A Three Years\u2019 Peace coming._]\n  Ce serroit villonnie.\u201d\n    That were vylonye.\u201d\n  \u201c+Anastase, aues mengist?\u201d\n    \u201c+Anastase, haue ye eten?\u201d\n  \u201cEncore dyne ie;\n    \u201cYet I dyne;\n  A nuyt soupperay ie.\u201d\n  \u201cVous aues bien vo temps\n    \u201cYe haue well your tyme\n  Qui si longement\n    That so longe\n  Estes in solas.\u201d\n    Be in solace.\u201d\n  \u201cDennuy de meschance\n  Me veul garder,\n    I wyll kepe me,\n  De duel de maise auenture,\n    Fro sorow of euil auenture,\n  Mais toudis viure en joye\n    But alleway lyue in ioye\n  Sers mon deduit.\u201d\n  \u201c+Amand, vostre serouge,\n    \u201c+Amand, your cosen alyed\n  A plus belle amye\n    Hath a fairer lyef\n  Que vous nayes,\n    Than ye haue,\n  Et mieulx aprise\n  Que ie nen scay nulle;\n    Than I knowe ony;\n  Elle est belle et sage,\n    She is faire and wyse,\n  Si quils pourroient auoir\n    So that they myght have\n  Asses des biens ensamble.\u201d\n    Ynough of goodes to gedyr.\u201d                   20\n  \u201c+Amelberge est bien plaisante;\n    \u201c+Amelbergh is well plaisa{u}nt;\n  Dieu luy doinst bon eur!\n    God gyue her good happe!\n  Ves le cy ou[1] elle vient.\u201d\n    See her hiere where she cometh.\u201d\n    [Footnote 1: on]\n  \u201cVes moy cy, voirement!\n  Que dittes vous de moy?\u201d\n    What saye ye of me?\u201d\n  \u201cNous ne disons de vous\n    \u201cWe ne saye of you\n  Synon que bien.\u201d\n    Nothing but good.\u201d\n  \u201c+Albert de haesbrouk!\n  Venes vous de la ville?\u201d\n    Come ye fro the toune?\u201d\n  \u201cOyl, sire, sil vous plaist.\u201d\n    \u201cYe, sire, yf it plese you.\u201d\n  \u201cQuelles nouuelles\n    \u201cWhat tydynges\n  Nous apportes vous?\u201d\n  \u201cBonnes et belles;\n    \u201cGood and fair;\n[Sidenote: P. 28.]\n  Car on dist\n    For men saye\n  Que paix serra\n    That peas shall be\n  Entre les deux roys\n  Et leurs royames,\n    And theyr royames,\n  Ou trieues[2] pour trois ans.\u201d\n    Or triews for thre yere.\u201d\n    [Footnote 2: trienes]\n  \u201cSire, de celle bouche\n    \u201cSir, with that mouth\n  Puyssies vin boire.\u201d\n[Headnote: NAMES: BAUDEWIN--BERTRAN. _English and Scotch Peace._]\n  ++BAudewin le cousin charles\n    ++BAudewyn the cosin of charles\n  Est mareschal de fraunce.\n    Is mareshall of fraunce.\n  Il me disoit\n    He sayde to me\n  Quil sera respyt\n  Entre les engloys\n    Bitwene the englisshmen\n  Et les escochoys.\n    And the scottes.\n  Il en a eubt lettres.\n    He had therof lettres.\n  Benoit le vylain\n  Est lieutenant\n    Is lieutenant\n  Du bailly damiens\n    Of the baylly of amyas\n  Et de la preuostie.\n    And of the prouostye.\n  Il est mes parens\n  Et ie le sien;\n    And I am his;\n  Si men puis vanter.\n    So I me auaunte.\n  \u201c+Bernard, est le clocque sounee\n    \u201c+Bernard, is the clocke sowned\n  Pour aller a le euure?\u201d\n  \u201cVous[1] voules dire\n    \u201cYe wolde saye\n  Le clocque des ouuriers?\u201d\n    The belle of werkemen?\u201d\n    [Footnote 1: Vons]\n  \u201cNon fay, vrayement,\n    \u201cI ne doo, truly,\n  Mais le clocque du iour.\u201d\n  \u201cOyl, tres grand pieche.\u201d\n    \u201cYe, ouer a grete while.\u201d\n  \u201c+Boneface, fais du feu;\n    \u201c+Boneface, make fyer,\n  Fais bouillir lencre.\n    Make the ynche to seethe,\n  Si mets plus de galles\n  Et plus de substaunce,\n    And more substance,\n  Et mouue le qui narde.\u201d\n    And styre it that it brenne not.\u201d\n  \u201c+Berthelmieu, demores cy\n    \u201c+Bertilmewe, abyde hiere\n  Auecques nous huymais.\n  Nous vous donrons[2]\n    We shall gyue you\n  De ce que nous avons[3],\n    Of that we haue,\n  Et de ce que dieu nous a preste.\n    And of that which god hath lente vs.\n    [Footnote 2: donrous]\n    [Footnote 3: a vons]\n  Si vous fera on\n  Ung biau lite;\n    A fayr bedde;\n  Vous ne aures pys\n    Ye shall haue no werse\n  Que nous mesmes.\u201d\n    Than we our self.\u201d\n[Sidenote: P. 29.]\n  \u201c+Bertran, ce seroit asses;\n    \u201c+Bertram, this shall be ynough;              36\n  Car se il ny auoit\n    For yf he haue\n  Fors que du pain\n    Nothing than brede\n  Et bon ceruoyse\n    And good ale\n  Il me souffiroit,\n[Headnote: NAMES: BARNABE--CYPRIEN. _Baking, Washing._]\n  Si comme a chescun\n    So as to euerich\n  Doibt souffire.\u201d\n    It ought suffyse.\u201d\n  \u201c+Barnabe, alles vous ent!\n    \u201c+Barnabe, goo ye hens!\n  Nous ne auons cure\n  De vostre companie.\n    Of your felawship.\n  Ne vous coroucies point!\n    Ne angre you not!\n  Car sacies tout a plain\n    For knowe ye all plainly\n  Que vostre compaignie\n  Nest bonne ne belle.\u201d\n    Is not good ne fayr.\u201d\n  \u201c+Basilles, que vous couste\n    \u201c+Basylle, what hath coste you\n  Mon menage,\n    My houshold,\n  Que vous vous plaindes de moy?\u201d\n  \u201cPlaigne ou ne plaigne point,\n    \u201cPlayne or playne nothyng,\n  Ie naray iamais\n    I shall haue neuer\n  Compaignie auecq vous\n    Companye with you\n  Tant come ie viue,\n  Ou la vie ou corps auray.\u201d\n    Or the lyf in my body shall haue.\u201d\n  \u201c+Brixe, va ou four,\n    \u201c+Bryce, go to the ouen\n  Pour les pastees;\n    For the pasteyes;\n  Sacque hors lespaude\n  De lespoye tout chault,\n    Of the spete all hoot,\n  Car il est asses rostis,\n    For it is ynough rosted,\n  Et le drechies par escuelles.\u201d\n    And dresse it by disshes.\u201d\n  \u201cSire, les pastees sont venus;\n    \u201cSire, the pasteyes be come;                  24\n  Le rost est drechye.\u201d\n    The roste is dressyd.\u201d\n  Beatrix le lauendier\n    Beatrice the lauendre\n  Venra cy apres mengier;\n    Shall come hether after diner;\n  Se ly baillies les ligne draps;\n    So gyue her the lynnen clothis.               28\n  Elle les buera nettement.\n    She shall wassh them clenly.\n  \u201c+Berte, escures les pots\n    \u201c+Berte, skowre the pottes\n  Contre ces haulz iours\n    Ayenst thise hye dayes\n  En le chambre par tout.\u201d\n  ++COlard li orfeure\n    ++COlard the goldsmyth\n  Me doibt faire\n    Oweth me to make\n  Ma chainture,\n    My gyrdle,\n  Vne couroye clauwe\n  dargent, pesant quarant deniers,\n    With siluer, weyeng xl. pens,\n[Sidenote: P. 30.]\n  Et vng triaclier.\n    And a triacle boxe.\n  +Cyprien le tisseran\n    +Cyprien the weuar\n  Ma promys a tystre\n[Headnote: NAMES: COLARD--CLEMENCE. _Kempster, Spinster, &c._]\n  Mon drap\n    My cloth\n  Demain ou apres demain.\n    To morow or after morow.\n  \u201cQuand y fu le file porte?\u201d\n    \u201cWhan was the thred theder born?\u201d\n  \u201cHier, deuant hier.\n    \u201cYesterday, tofore yesterday.                  4\n  Anthan, deuant anthan,\n    Foryere, tofor foryere,\n  Ne leust on mye tissu\n    Hit had not be wouen\n  Pour autant come a iourdhuy,\n    For as moche as on this day,\n  Ne si hastiuement[1].\u201d\n    [Footnote 1: hastinement]\n  +Colard ly foulon\n    +Colard the fuller\n  Scet bien fouler drap.\n    Can well fulle cloth.\n  Si veul ie quil le foule;\n    So wylle I that he fulle;\n  Encore est il moult dangereux.\n    Yet is he moche dangerous.                    12\n  +Conrad li tondeurs\n    +Conrade the sherman.\n  Le doibt tondre;\n    He oweth to shere;\n  Il prende del aulne quatre mites\n    He taketh of the elle foure mytes\n  Puis que les tondeurs\n  Eurent leur franchise.\n    Hadde theyr franchise.\n  +Katherine la pigneresse\n    +Katherin the kempster\n  Fu cy a{ur}ain pour argent.\n    Was hiere right now for moneye.\n  Elle iura par sa foye\n  Quelle ne pigna oncques\n    That she kembyth neuer\n  Laine si bien;\n    Wulle so well;\n  Pour ce lui payera on bien.\n    Therfor men shall paye her well.\n  +Cecile la fyleresse\n  Vint auecques elle.\n    Cam with her.\n  Elle prise moult vostre fylet\n    She preyseth moche your yarn\n  Qui fu filee a le keneule;\n    That was sponne on the dystaf;\n  Mais le fil\n  Quon fila au rouwet\n    That was sponne on the whele\n  A tant de neuds\n    Hath so many cnoppes\n  Que cest merueille a veoir.\n    That it is meruaylle to see.\n  +Colombe le boysteuse\n  Sen ala tenchant de cy,\n    Wente her chydyng from hens,\n  Pour ce que ie\n    For this that I\n  Le vouloye baysier;\n    Wolde haue kyssed her;\n  Neantmoins nauoye ie talent,\n    Neuertheless I had no luste,                  36\n  Et elle me mauldist,\n    And she me cursyd,\n  Et ie le remauldis.\n    And I cursyd her agayn.\n  +Clement & +Clemence son fillaistre\n    +Clement & +Clemence his stepdoughter\n[Headnote: NAMES: CLARE--DONAAS. _Cloth-hurler, Bridlemaker._]\n[Sidenote: P. 31.]\n  Tencierent ensamble;\n    Chydden to gyder;\n  Elle dist que oncques parastre\n    She said that neuer stepfadre\n  Ne marastre furent bons;\n    Ne stepmodre were good;\n  Elle luy reprouua quil[1] auoit trouue\n    He repreuud her that he[2] had founden         4\n  Luytant a vng valleton.\n    Her wrastlying with a boye.\n    [Footnote 1: ? Il ... qu\u2019il l\u2019]\n    [Footnote 2: she]\n  +Clare la aueugle\n    +Clare the blynde\n  Va pour son pain.\n    Goth for her breed.\n  Aulmosne y est bien employe,\n    Almesse is there well bestowed,                8\n  Car au temps quelle veoit\n    For the tyme that she sawe\n  Elle eust enuys demande;\n    She had not gladly axed;\n  Si que cest pite de elle.\n    So that is pite of her.\n  +Clarisse la esbourysse\n  Scet bien son mestier.\n    Can well her craft.\n  \u201cTresquand le a elle aprys\n    \u201cSyth whan hath she lerned it\n  Draps esbourier?\u201d\n    Cloth for to noppe?\u201d\n  \u201cQue demandes vous?\n  Elle eu fu berchie.\n    She was ther with rocked.\n  Elle a bien a faire\n    She hath good to doo\n  Quelle gaigne moult,\n    That she wynne moche,\n  Car elle est moult gloutee.\u201d\n    For she is moche lichorous.\u201d                  20\n  ++DAvid le lormier\n    ++DAvid the bridelmaker\n  Est ung bon ouurier\n    Is a good werkman\n  De faire selles,\n    For to make sadles,\n  Frains, & esperons,\n  Et ce quil y affiert.\n    And that thereto belongeth.\n  +Denis le fourbisseur\n    +Denis the fourbysshour\n  A de moy vng espee\n    Hath of me a swerd\n  De tresbon taillant,\n  Vng couttel a pointe,\n    A knyfe with a poynte,\n  Vng espee,\n    A swerde,\n  Quil me doibt fourbier.\n    Whiche me ought to furbysshe.\n  +Damyan le armoyer\n  Me vendra vnes plates,\n    Shall selle me a plate,\n  Vng bachinnet,\n    A bacenet,\n  Vng haubergon,\n    An habergeon,\n  Vng gorgiere,\n  Gauns de fer.\n    Gloues of yron.\n  +Donace le pourpointier\n    +Donaas the doblet maker\n  A parfaicte mon pourpainte\n    Hath performed my doublet\n  Et mon paltocque.\n[Headnote: NAMES: EUSTACE--ERMENTIN. _Upholster, Painter, &c._]\n  ++EVstaes le tailleur\n    ++EVstace the taillour\n  A tant de taillier,\n    Hath so moche to cutte,\n[Sidenote: P. 32.]\n  Pour la bonne diligence\n    For the good diligence\n  Quil faict a peuple\n  De liurer leurs vestures\n    To deliuere their clothes\n  Au iour quil a promys.\n    Atte day that he hath promysed.\n  Pour ce il ne cesse\n    Therfor he resteth not\n  Nuyt ne iour;\n  Et sy a plente de coustriers;\n    And hath plente of sowers;\n  Encore dont ne peult il\n    Yet thenne he may not\n  A grand paine liurer aux gens\n    With grete payne deliuere the peple\n  Ce quil leurs promet.\n    That whiche he hath promysed hem.             12\n  +Euraerd le vieswarier\n    +Euerard the vpholster\n  Scet bien estoupper\n    Can well stoppe\n  Vng mantel trauwet,\n    A mantel hooled,\n  Refouller, regratter,\n  Rescourer vne robe,\n    Skowre agayn a goune,\n  Et tous vieulx draps.\n    And alle old cloth.\n  +Elyas le pointurer\n    +Elyas the paynter\n  E[s]t remaysonnes et remues\n    Is howsed agayn and remeuyd                   20\n  De la ou il soloit demourer.\n    Fro thens where was woned to duelle.\n  Il y met si longement\n    He tarieth so longe\n  Mon drap a taindre\n  Que iaray dommage de luy.\n    That I shall haue harme of hym.\n  De quel couleur le taindra il?\n    Of what colour shall he dye it?\n  De bresille, de galles,\n    Of brasylle, of galles,\n  Il destaindera tantost.\n  Je le feroye descorche,\n    I shalle doo it with barke.\n  +Estieuene le voirier\n    +Steuen the glasyer\n  Luy pria qui le fesist bien;\n    Praid hym he wold do it wel;\n  Se luy en merchies\n  Quand vous le verres,\n    Whan ye hym see,\n  Car il affiert bien.\n    For it behoueth well.\n  +Ermentin gist malade;\n    +Ermentin lieth seke;\n  Parles tout bas.\n  On portera son vrine\n    Men shall bere his vrine\n  Au maistre alfrant.\n    To maistre alfranke.\n  Regarde que lorynal\n    See that the vrinall\n  soit net et clere;\n[Headnote: NAMES: FRANCIS--FERRAUNT. _Draper, Wine-crier, Baker, &c._]\n  Et sil est ort,\n    And yf it be foull,\n  Se le frotte dedens.\n    So rubbe it within.\n  Keuure ta soer; elle suera;\n    Couer thi suster; she shall suete;\n  Se luy vauldra moult.\n    Hit shall auaille her moche.                   4\n  Elle lui vient de paour:\n    Hit cam to here of fere:\n  Elle vey bateiller deux hommes,\n    She saw two men fighten,\n[Sidenote: P. 33.]\n  Dont lun fu tues\n    Of whom that one was slayn\n  Et laultre quassies.\n  ++FRancoys le drappier\n    ++F[R]Aunseys[1] the drapier\n    [Footnote 1: Fanuseys]\n  Est ung riche homme;\n    Is a riche man;\n  Cest bien employe;\n    It is well bestowed;\n  Il donne voulentiers pour dieu;\n    He gyueth gladly for goddes sake;             12\n  Il visette les deshaities,\n    He visiteth them that be not hole,\n  Les prisonniers,\n    The prisoners,\n  Si conseille les vesues\n    Also counseilleth the wedowes\n  Et les orphenins.\n  +Firmin le tauernier\n    +Fremyn the tauerner\n  A deux tonniaulx de moust.\n    Hath two tonnes of muste.\n  Il ma presente\n    He hath profred me\n  A croire se ien a faire.\n    To borowe yf I haue to doo with hem.          20\n  Enuoyes en querir;\n    Sende to fecche them;\n  Il passe legierment le gorge.\n    Hit passeth lyghtly the throte.\n  +Frederic le vin crieres\n    +Frederik the wyn criar\n  Dist quil vault bien\n    Saith that it is well worth                   24\n  Ce quon vende.\n    That men selleth it for.\n  Il a droyt quil le dist;\n    He hath right that he it saith;\n  Il enboyt grandz traits.\n    He drynketh grete draughtes.\n  +Fierin le boulengier\n  Vend blanc pain et brun.\n    Selleth whit brede and broun.\n  Il a sour son grenier gisant\n    He hath vpon his garner lieng\n  Cent quartiers de bled.\n    An hondred quarters of corn.\n  Il achate a temps et a heure,\n    He byeth in tyme and at hour,                 32\n  Si quil na point\n    So that he hath not\n  Du chier marchiet.\n    Of the dere chepe.\n  +Fourchier le cardewanner\n    +Forcker the cordewanner\n  Met plus de cuir a oeuure\n  Que trois aultres,\n    Than thre othir,\n  Sy bonne vente a il\n    So good sale hath he\n  Des solers et galoches.\n    Of shoes and of galoches.\n  +Ferrau[n]s le chausser\n[Headnote: NAMES: PHILIPOTE--GERVAIS. _Thief\u2019s ear cut off, &c._]\n  Fait chausses si mal taillies\n    Maketh hosen so euyll shapen\n  Et si mal cousues[1],\n    And so euyll sewed,\n  Que ie ne conseilleroye nulluy\n    That I shall counseille noman\n  Chauses a luy achatter.\n    [Footnote 1: consues]\n  +Phelipote le tigneuse\n    +Philipote the scallyd\n  Embla a son maistre\n    Stall fro her maister\n  Vng forgierel\n    A forcyer\n[Sidenote: P. 34.]\n  Ou il auoit dedens\n  Biaucop dorfrois\n    Many orfrayes\n  Et de reubans de soye\n    And rybans of silke\n  Et de la fustane;\n    And of fustain;\n  Si quil le fist prendre\n  Et mettre en prison;\n    And sette in prison;\n  Puis eubt elle\n    Syth had she\n  Loreille copee;\n    Her ere cutte of;\n  Si quelle menacha\n  Son maistre a faire tuer.\n    Her maister to be slayn.\n  Quoy quel en aduiegne,\n    What so euer come therof,\n  Chescun garde sa loiaulte!\n    Eueriche kepe his trowthe!\n  +Felix le ouurier de soye\n  Fait tant de bourses\n    maketh so many purses\n  Et aloyeres de soye;\n    And pauteners of silke;\n  Car elle en est maistresse.\n    For she is therof a maistresse.\n  ++GVillebert le arcenier\n    ++GVysebert the bowemaker                     24\n  Fait les arcs et les sagettes;\n    Maketh the bowes & the arowes;\n  Les arblastriers trayent.\n    The arblastrers shote.\n  +Gerard le moulenier,\n    +Gherard the myllar,\n  Selon ce quon dist,\n  Emble le moytie\n    Steleth the half\n  Du bled ou de farine[2]\n    Of corn or of mele\n  De ceulx qui luy\n    Of them that to hym\n  Apportent a mieuldre.\n    [Footnote 2: farme]\n  La moytie ne emble il mye,\n    The half he steleth not,\n  Mais vng peu de chescun sac.\n    But a lytyll of euery sack.\n  ++Geruas le escripuain\n    ++Geruays the scriuener\n  Scet bien escripre chartres,\n  Preuileges, instrumens,\n    Preuyleges, instrumentis,\n  Debtes, receptes,\n    Dettes, receyttes,\n  Testamens, copies.\n    Testamentis, copies.\n  Il scet bien compter\n[Headnote: NAMES: GOMBERT--GUY. _Writing, the Noblest Craft, &c._]\n  Et rendre comptes\n    And yelde rekenynges\n  De toutes rentes,\n    Of all rentes,\n  Soit de rentes a vye,\n    Be they of rente for lyf,\n  Ou rentes herytables,\n  De toutes censes.\n    Of all fermes.\n  Il est bien prouffitables\n    He is well proufitable\n  En vng bon seruice;\n    In a good seruise;\n  Ce quil escript\n  Demeure celee.\n    Abydeth secrete.\n[Sidenote: P. 35.]\n  Cest la plus noble mestier\n    Hit is the most noble craft\n  Qui soit au monde;\n    That is in the world;\n  Car il nest si hault\n  Ne si noble\n    Ne so noble\n  Qui se ahontier peult\n    That may hym shame\n  De le aprendre ne de le faire.\n    For to lerne ne for to doo.\n  Se nest lescripture\n    Yf it were not the scripture                  16\n  La loy & foy periroyent,\n    The law and faith shold perisshe,\n  Et toute la saincte escripture\n    And all the holy scripture\n  Ne seroit mise en oubly.\n    Shall not be put in forgeting.\n  Pour ce chescun loial xpristien\n    Therfore euery true cristen man               20\n  Le doibt faire aprendere\n    Ought for to do lerne\n  A ses enfans et parens;\n    To his children and frendes;\n    [Footnote: [? aprendre]]\n  Et le doibuent meismes scavoir,\n    And them selfe owe it to knowe,\n  Ou aultrement, sans faulte,\n    Or othirwyse, withoute faulte,                24\n  Dieu leurs demandera\n    God shall demande them\n  Et en prendera vengance;\n    And shall take of vengeaunce;\n  Car ignourance\n    For ignorance\n  Pas ne les excusera.\n    Shall nothyng excuse hem.                     28\n  Chescun si acquite\n    Euery man so acquite hym\n  Comme il vouldra respondre!\n    As he wylle ansuere!\n  +Gombers le bouchiere\n    +Gombert the bocher\n  Demeure dencoste le boucerie.\n    Duelleth beside the bocherie.                 32\n  Il vent si bien ses chars\n    He selleth so well his flessh\n  Que luy appiert;\n    That to hym it appereth;\n  Car luy voy si poure\n    For I sawe hym so poure\n  Quil ne scauoit[1]\n  Que bouter en sa bouche.\n    What to put in his mouth.\n    [Footnote 1: scanoit]\n  Pour ce est bonne chose\n    Therfore it is good thyng\n  Scauoir vng bon mestier.\n    To conne a good craft.\n  +Guyd le poissonner\n[Headnote: NAMES: GABRIEL--GEORGE. _Linen-weaver, Bookseller, &c._]\n  Ne sest mye pis portes,\n    Hath not werse borne hym,\n  Si quil appert aual sa maison.\n    So as it apperith after his hous.\n  Il vend toutes manieres\n    He selleth all maners\n  De poissons de mer\n  Et de doulce eauwe\n    And of fressh water\n  Lesquels sont escripts\n    The whiche ben wreton\n  Dessus en aulcun lieu\n    To fore in som place\n  Dedens ce liure.\n  +Gabriel le tillier\n    +Gabriel the lynweuar\n  Tist ma toille\n    Weueth my lynnencloth\n  De fil de lin\n    Of threde of flaxe\n[Sidenote: P. 36.]\n  Et destoupes.\n  Si me fault de le traisme\n    Me lacketh woef\n  Et de lestam.\n    And of warpe.\n  Est elle acheuee?\n    Is it ended?\n  Oyl, des ioefdy\n  Elle est tissue\n    Hit is wouen\n  Pour fair blancher.\n    For to doo white.\n  +Ghyselins le corbillier\n    +Ghyselin the mande maker\n  A vendu ses vans,\n  Ses corbilles,\n    His mandes or corffes,\n  Ses tammis.\n    His temmesis to clense with.\n  +Gherlin le chaudrelier\n    +Gheryn the ketelmaker\n  A este a bonne feest;\n  Il a lassie\n    He hath there lefte\n  Grand plente de batteries[1];\n    Grete plente of baterye;\n    [Footnote 1: barteries]\n  Lesquelles denrees\n    The whiche penyworthis\n  Ie ne nommeray point,\n  Car ils sont nommees\n    For they be named\n  En vng des chapitres.\n    In one of the chapitres.\n  +George le librarier\n    +George the booke sellar\n  A plus des liures\n  Que tout ceulx de lauile.\n    Than all they of the toune.\n  Il les achate touts\n    He byeth them all\n  Tels quils soient,\n    Suche as they ben,\n  Soient embles ou enprintees,\n    Be they stolen or enprinted,                  36\n  Ou aultrement pourchacies.\n    Or othirwyse pourchaced.\n  Il a doctrinaulx, catons,\n    He hath doctrinals, catons,\n  Heures de nostre dame,\n    Oures of our lady,\n  Donats, pars, accidens,\n    Donettis, partis, accidents,                  40\n[Headnote: NAMES: GERVAS--LAMBERT. _Smith, Painter, Usurer, &c._]\n  Psaultiers bien enluminees,\n    Sawters well enlumined,\n  Loyes a fremauls dargent,\n    Bounden with claspes of siluer,\n  Liures de medicines,\n    Bookes of physike,\n  Sept psalmes, kalendiers,\n  Encre et parcemyn,\n    Ynke and perchemyn,\n  Pennes de signes,\n    Pennes of swannes,\n  Pennes dauwes,\n    Pennes of ghees,\n  Bons breuiares,\n  Qui valent bon argent.\n    Which ben worth good money.\n  +Gervas le feure\n    +Geruays the smyth\n  Est biaucop plus rices.\n    Is moche richer.\n  Encore dont prest il\n  La liure pour trois mailles.\n    The pound for thre halfpens.\n[Sidenote: P. 37.]\n  +Gertrude la soeur +Gillebert\n    +Gertrude the suster of +Gylbert\n  Est morte et trespassee;\n    Is deed and passed;\n  Prijez pour son ame.\n  Quand trespassa elle?\n    Whan passed she?\n  Droit maintenant.\n    Right now.\n  Dieu luy pardonne\n    God forgyue her\n  Ses pechies et ses meffais.\n    Her synnes and her trespaces.                 20\n  Nous yrons au corps\n    We shall goo to the corps\n  Demain a loffrande.\n    To morn to thoffrynge.\n  ++HEnry le pointurier\n    ++HErry the paynter\n  Point mon escu\n  De diuerses couleurs.\n    With diuerse colours.\n  A grand rayson\n    By grete reson\n  Ie me loe de luy.\n    I am plesid with hym.\n  ++IEhan le vsurier\n  A tant preste\n    Hath lente so moche\n  Quil ne scet le nombre\n    That he knoweth not the nombre\n  Del auoir quil a\n    Of the good that he hath\n  tout maisement assemble.\n    Alle euyll gadred to gedyr.                   32\n  Il preste la liure\n    He leneth the pounde\n  Pour quatre deniers.\n    For four pens.\n  ++Kylian et ses compaignons,\n    ++Kylian and his felaws,\n  Pour leurs merites,\n  Sont saincts en paradys,\n    Ben sayntes in paradyse,\n  Ou est joye sans fin.\n    Where is ioye withoute ende.\n  ++LAmbert le charpentier\n    ++LAmbert the carpenter\n  A marchandet a moy\n[Headnote: NAMES: LAURENCE--LUCIAN. _Mason, Brewer, Tiler, &c._]\n  De faire mon chastel,\n    To make my castell,\n  Le basse court et vne grange,\n    The nether court and a berne,\n  Et le doibt charpenter\n    And he oughteth to tymbre it\n  De bon ouurage;\n  Et les degretz,\n    And the steyres,\n  Tous[1] les boys charpentifs,\n    Alle the tymbre woode,\n  Doibt il liurer mesmes.\n    He is bound to deliuer hym selfe.\n    [Footnote 1: Tons]\n  +Laurence le machon\n  A pris a machonner,\n    Hath take to masone,\n  Et amenra des ouuriers,\n    And shal brynge the werkmen,\n  Et sont achattes\n    And ben bought\n  Bonnes pieres de marbre;\n  Les fenestres dalbastre;\n    The wyndowes of alabastre;\n  Mais le caulx\n    But the lyme or chalke\n  Nest encore point mesure.\n    Is not yet moten.\n[Sidenote: P. 38.]\n  +Lieuin le brasseur\n  Brasse tant de ceruoyse\n    Breweth so moche ale\n  Quil ne peult vendre;\n    That he may not selle it;\n  Car il est renommees\n    For he is renomed\n  De mauuais beuurage;\n  Se luy conuient a le fois\n    So hym behoueth othirwhyle\n  Ietter deuant les porciaux.\n    To cast to fore the hogges.\n  +Lamfroy le couureur de tieulles\n    +Lamfroy the couerar of tyles\n  Couury le belfroy\n  Descailles, de tieulles,\n    With skaylles, with tyles,\n  A mieulx quil pouoit;\n    The beste wyse that he may;\n  Encordont esty\n    Neuertheles is it\n  Par le vent descouuert.\n  +Leonard le couureur destrain\n    +Lenard the thaccher\n  Couury ma maysoncelle\n    Hath couerd my litell hous\n  Destrain et de gluy.\n    With straw and with reed.\n  Les lattes quil achatta\n    The latthes that he bought                    32\n  Ne valent riens.\n    Be nothyng worth.\n  Il fist les parois,\n    He made the wallis,\n  Et les placqua de terre,\n    And daubed them with erthe,\n  Dont est il placqueur.\n  +Logier le feultier\n    +Logier the feltmaker\n  A maint bon chappeau\n    Hath many a good hatte\n  De beures et de feultre.\n    Of beuer and of felte.\n  +Lucien le gantiers\n[Headnote: NAMES: LYON--MAXIMIAN. _Purser, Grocer, Surgeon, &c._]\n  Siet dencoste moy;\n    Sitteth besyde me;\n  Faitte gans de cierf,\n    Maketh gloues of an herte,\n  De chien et de brebis.\n    Of hound and of sheep.\n  +Lyon le bourssier\n  A boursses et aloyeres,\n    Hath pursses and pauteners,\n  Et les achattent les enfans;\n    And them bye the chyldren;\n  Des tasses bien ouuries.\n    Of the powches well wrought.\n  +Lucie le bastarde\n  Ne fera iamais bien;\n    Shall neuer doo well;\n  Car elle dist mal de ceulx[1]\n    For she saith euyll of them\n  Qui bien lui ont fait.\n    That well haue don to her.\n    [Footnote 1: cenlx]\n  ++MArtin le especier\n  Vent pluiseurs especes\n    Selleth many spyces\n  De toutes manieres de pouldre\n    Of all maners of poudre\n  Pour faire les brouets,\n    For to make browettys,\n  Et a moult de boistes pointes\n    And hath many boxes paynted                   16\n  Plaines de confections,\n    Full of confections,\n[Sidenote: P. 39.]\n  Et moult de cannes\n    And many pottes\n  Plaines de beuurages.\n    Full of drynkes.\n  +Maurisse le surgien\n  Se mesle de guarir\n    Medleth hym to hele\n  Playes, claux,\n    Woundes, soores,\n  Et apostumes,\n    And apostomes,\n  De vnguements\n  Et demplastres;\n    And with plastres;\n  Il scet taillier de la pierre,\n    He can cutte out the stone,\n  Et guarir par beuurages\n    And hele by drynkes\n  De grauelle, de rompture.\n    Of the grauelle and of brekynge.              28\n  +Maximian le maistre de medicines\n    +Maximian the maistre of phisike\n  Regarde le vrine des gens;\n    Seeth the vrin of the peple;\n  Il leurs scet a dire\n    He can say to them\n  De quoy ils sont mallade:\n  Du mal du chief;\n    Of the heed ache;\n  Des doleurs des yeux,\n    Of the payne of the eyen,\n  Des oreilles;\n    Of the eres;\n  Sil ont[2] mal es dens,\n  Aux pys, as mamelles;\n    Atte the breste, at the pappes;\n    [Footnote 2: out]\n  Il scet guarir et curer\n    He can hele and cure\n  Ydropison, menison,\n    Dropesye, blody flyxe,\n  Tesyque, mormal,\n[Headnote: NAMES: MABEL--OBEROL. _Tailoress, Mustard-maker, &c._]\n  Pieds, vngles,\n    Feet, nayles,\n  Fieures quartaines et tiercaines,\n    Fever quartayn and tercian,\n  De le gaunisse\n    Of the Jaundyse[5]\n  (Dont dieu nous garde),\n  Et de tout ce\n    And of all that\n  Que greuer nous pourroit.\n    That may greue us.\n    [Footnote 5: Janudyse]\n  Il dont conseil a artetique\n    He gyueth conseill for the goute\n  Et daultres languers;\n  Il a moult de bonnes herbes.\n    He hath many good herbes.\n  +Mabile le cousturiere[1]\n    +Mabyll the shepster\n  Se chauist tres bien;\n    Cheuissheth her right well;\n    [Footnote 1: consturiere]\n  Elle fait sourplis,\n  Chemyses, brayes,\n    Shertes, breches,\n  Courechiefs, et tout ce\n    Keuerchifs, and all that\n  Que on peult ouurer\n    That may be wrought\n  De ligne drap.\n  +Mahault le huuetier\n    +Maulde the huue or calle maker\n  Se maintient sagement;\n    Maynteneth her wisely;\n  Elle vend chier ses huues;\n    She selleth dere her calles or huues;\n[Sidenote: P. 40.]\n  Elles les keut[2] de deux coustures[3].\n    She soweth them with two semes.               20\n    [Footnote 2: kent]\n    [Footnote 3: constures]\n  ++NYchole le mostardier\n    ++NYcholas the mustardmaker\n  A bon vinaigre,\n    Hath good vynegre,\n  Bon verius, bon moustarde,\n    Good veriuse, good mustarde,\n  Galentine sausse,\n  Noir poiure,\n    Black pepre,\n  Bonne gansailliede[4].\n    Good ganselyn[6].\n    [Footnote 4: gausailliede]\n    [Footnote 6: gauselyn]\n  +Natalie la dame des estuues\n    +Natalye the wyf of the stewes\n  Tient bonne estuue,\n  La plus souffisante de la cite;\n    The moste suffysaunte of the cite;\n  Ilz y vont estuuer\n    They goon thedyr to be stewed\n  Toutes les estrangiers.\n    Alle the strangers.\n  Elle demeure\n  Deriere le mur des carmes.\n    After the walle of the white freris.\n  ++OLiuier le couretier\n    ++OLyuer the brocour\n  Gaigne a couretage,\n    Wynneth by brocorage,\n  A vng denier a dieu,\n  Vingt liures ou trente.\n    Twenty pound or thyrty.\n  +Oberol le hostelier\n    +Oberol the hosteler\n  A touts les bons hostes;\n    Hath all the good ghestes;\n  Il a les allemains\n[Headnote: NAMES: ONNOUR--OGIER. _Inn-Guests, Prison-keeper, &c._]\n  Quon appelle oesterlins,\n    That men calle esterlyngis,\n  Poyteuins, fransoys,\n    Poyteuyns, frenshemen,\n  Engloys, brabansois,\n    Englishmen, brabanders,\n  Flamengs, lombars,\n  Espaignoys, Portingalois,\n    Spaynardys, portingalers,\n  Geneuoys, escochoys,\n    Ienewys, scottes,\n  Haynewiers, hollandois,\n    Heynewiers, hollanders,\n  Danoys, frisons.\n  ++Onnore le tourier\n    ++Onnour the kepar of the tour\n  Garde le prison\n    Kepeth the prison\n  La les prisonniers sont;\n    There the prisonners bee;\n  Il y sont laronnes, mourdriers,\n    There ben theues, murderers,                  12\n  Faulx monnoyers, robbeurs,\n    False money makers, robbers,\n  Afourceurs de femmes,\n    Rauisshers of wymmen,\n  Coppeurs de boursses.\n    Cuttars of purses.\n  Les vng pend on;\n  Les aultres traynnon;\n    The othir be drawen;\n  Les aultres mettons sur roels;\n    The othir ben sette on wheles;\n  Ceux qui coppent boursses\n    Them that cutte purses\n  Coppe on les oreylles.\n  Bussyn a a nom\n    Bussin is named\n[Sidenote: P. 41.]\n  Ly bouriaulx de bruges.\n    The hangman of bruges.\n  Puis que malefaicteurs\n    After that the euyll doers\n  ount gehy leurs meffais,\n    Haue knowlechid her euyll dedes,              24\n  Les a il a mestrijer;\n    He hath them to mastrye;\n  Dieu nous garde\n    God kepe vs\n  De sa meistrise!\n    Fro his maystrye!\n  Baillius, escoutetes[1],\n    [Footnote 1: estoutetes]\n  Aulcuns des escheuins,\n    Somme of the skepyns,\n  Cheuaucent auecq,\n    Ryde with,\n  La on les met a mort,\n    There as they be put to deth,\n  Et les sergeans ysont ainsy;\n    And the sergeants ben there also;             32\n  Ceulx qui eschappent\n    They that escape\n  Seront banny hors du pays\n    Shall be banysshed out of the londe\n  Sur pain dy estre penduz.\n    Vpon payne to be hanged.\n  +Ogier le fauconner\n  Aporta des faucons,\n    Brought faucons,\n  Oystoires dardane,\n    Gerfaucons of ardane,\n  Espreuiers,\n    Spere haukes,\n  Quil vendra a montpellier.\n    That he shall sell at monpeller.              40\n[Headnote: NAMES: OGIER--QUERYNE. _Woolbeater, Cooper, &c._]\n  +Ogier le poulaillier\n    +Ogier the pulter\n  A des poules asses,\n    Hath polettes ynowhe,\n  Quils ne sont trop cras\n    Which ben not ouer fatte\n  Ne trop magre.\n  ++Pyere le bateure de laine\n    ++PEter the betar of wulle\n  Va tout oyseux,\n    Gooth alle ydle,\n  Car son doyen\n    For his dene\n  Lui a deffendu son mestier\n    Hath forboden hym his craft                    8\n  Sour lamende de vingt solz,\n    Vpon thamendes of xx. shelyngs,\n  Jusques a dont[1] quil aura[2]\n    Till that he shall haue\n  Achatte sa franchise.\n    Bought his franchyse.\n    [Footnote 1: dout]\n    [Footnote 2: anra]\n  Il sen plaindra\n  Au burchmaistre,\n    Unto bourghmaistre,\n  Et les gardiens des mestiers\n    And the wardeyns of the crafte\n  Nen font compte.\n    sette not therby.\n  +Poul le cuuelier\n  Faict et refaict les cuues,\n    Maketh and formaketh the keupis,\n  tonniaulx, vaissiaux\n    Barellis, vessellis\n  Courans et gouttans.\n    Lekyng and droppyng.\n  +Paulin le mesureur de bled\n    +Paulyn the metar of corne                    20\n  A tant mesure\n    Hath so moche moten\n  De bled et de mestelon\n    Of corne and of mestelyn\n  Quil ne peult plus de viellesse;\n    That he may no more for age;\n[Sidenote: P. 42.]\n  Il est tout gryse.\n  Il donna a chescun sa mesure.\n    He gyueth to euerich his mesure.\n  +Pieronne sa filleule\n    +Pieryne his doughter\n  Est la pieure garce\n    Is the shrewest ghyrle\n  Que ie sache de cha la mere.\n    That I knowe on this side the see.            28\n  ++QUintin le tollenier\n    ++QVyntyne the tollar\n  A pris de moy\n    Hath taken of me\n  Vng liure de gros\n    A pound of grotes\n  Plus quil ne debuoit prendre\n    More than he ought to take                    32\n  Du droit[3] tonlieu;\n    Of right tolle.\n    [Footnote 3: troit]\n  Sy me trayeray\n    So shall I drawe me\n  Au recepueur\n    Vnto the receyuour\n  Pour men droit requerre.\n  +Quirin le detier\n    +Queryne the dysemaker\n  Vendt ses dees\n    Selleth his dyse\n  Ainsi qui veult a prest argent;\n    As he wyll for redy money;\n  Cest bonne marchandise.\n[Headnote: NAMES: ROBERT--RANDOLF. _Carrier, Handworker, &c._]\n  ++RObert le messagier\n    ++RObert the messager\n  Est enuoyes au roy,\n    Is sent to the kynge\n  A tout deux paires de lettres\n    With two paire of lettres\n  Sellees du seal royal.\n    Sealed with the kynges seal.                   4\n  +Roberte la cerenceresse\n    +Roberte the heklester\n  Na plus de channeue,\n    Hath no more hempe,\n  Et a perdu sa cerench;\n    And hath lost her hekell;\n  Elle vendra son lin.\n    She shall selle her flaxe.                     8\n  +Richaert le veytier\n    +Rychard the carier\n  (+Richier le chareton)\n    (+Richer the cartar)\n  Menra du fien sur ma terre\n    Shall lede dong on my land\n  Quand elle sera ahanne,\n  Et sur mon courtil\n    And on my herber\n  Quand il sera fouys,\n    Whan it shall be doluen,\n  Et au gardin\n    And in to the orchard\n  Entour les arbres.\n  +Rolland le mainouurier\n    +Rolande the handwerker\n  Fera mon prayel,\n    Shall make my pryelle,\n  Vne soif entour.\n    An hegge aboute.\n  +Rogier le coustre\n  Est a auignon,\n    Is at auinion,\n  Pour empetrer\n    For to gete\n  Vne cure, vne chapelrie;\n    A cure, a fre chapell;\n  Voire se dieu plaist.\n  +Rainier le esquier\n    +Reyner the squyer\n[Sidenote: P. 43.]\n  Est aus Joustes,\n    Is atte Justes,\n  Aux tournoys, acompaignie\n    At the tornoye, acompanyed\n  Tres honnourablement;\n  Il a mon rouchin,\n    He hath my coursour,\n  Mon palefroy, mon destrier,\n    My palfreye, my stede,\n  Mes lances.\n    My speres.\n  Il aura le pris.\n  +Raulle le changier\n    +Randolf the changer\n  A sys a change trente ans.\n    Hath seten in the change xxx. yere.\n  Les monnoyes sont bien desirees,\n    The moneyes ben well desired,\n  Si que les gens se mettent en peril\n    So that folke put hem in peryll               36\n  Destre dampnes.\n    To be dampned.\n  Cest grand folye\n    It is grete folye\n  De donner le eternalite\n    For to gyue the eternalite\n  Pour le temporalite.\n[Headnote: NAMES: WALTER--YSAAC. _Brushmaker, Currier, &c._]\n  ++WAultier le paternostrier\n    ++Walter the paternoster maker\n  Vend a le dedicasse\n    Solde at the dedicacion\n  Paternosters de cristal,\n    Bedes of cristall,\n  Par dousaines en gros,\n  Dambre, de voire, et de cornes.\n    Of ambre, of glas, and of hornes.\n  +Willame le rammonier\n    +William the brusshemaker\n  Vendt les rammons par loysir.\n    Selleth the brusshes by leyzer.\n  Ce poise moy; ie vouldroye\n  Quil le vendisist bien.\n    That he solde well.\n  +Valerien le tenneur\n    +Valeryen the tawyer\n  A moult dauantage\n    Hath moche auantage\n  En ce quil vend cuyr,\n    In that that he selleth lether,               12\n  Car il le tanne meisme.\n    For he taweth hymselfe.\n  +Walram le coureur\n    +Walram the coryer\n  Faict vng ort mestier.\n    Dooth a foul crafte.\n  Il pute aual la maison;\n    He stynketh after the hous;                   16\n  Il coure ses piaulx\n    He coryeth his hydes\n  De saing de herencs.\n    With sayme of heryngs.\n  +Vaast le vairrier\n    +Vedast the graywerker\n  Vendi orains a madame\n  Vne pelice de vaire\n    A pylche of graye\n  Et de bonnes fourrures.\n    And of good furres.\n  +Wauburge le pelletiere\n    +Wauburge the pilchemaker[1]\n  Refaicte vng plice bien;\n  Aussi faict son baron.\n    So doth her husbonde.\n    [Footnote 1: piclh-]\n  ++Xpristien le gorlier\n    ++Xpristrian the colermaker\n  Me faict ung goriel;\n    Maketh to me a coler;\n[Sidenote: P. 44.]\n  Dont aray deux goriaulx\n    Than shal I haue two coliers                  28\n  Pour mes cheuaulx de querue.\n    For my horses of the plowh.\n  +Xpristiene la fylle\n    +Xpristine the doughter\n  Se plaint du serrurier,\n    Complayned her of the lokyer,\n  Pour ce quil nye\n  Dun enfant quil gaigna.\n    Of a child that he wan.\n  ++YZores le hugiers\n    ++Ysores the Joynar\n  Fist le forcier de mamye,\n    Made a forcer for my loue,\n  Sa luysel, son escrijn.\n    [Footnote 2: scyrne]\n  +Ysaac le vigneron\n    +Ysaac the wyneman\n  Yra as vignes.\n    Shall to the vyneyerd.\n  Il me souhaidera des crappes;\n    He shall weeshe me of the grapes;\n  Car en les vignes\n[Headnote: NAMES: _Kettlemaker, Proctor, &c._ GOD IS MERCIFUL.]\n  Gaignera il asses.\n    He shall wyn[n]e ynowh.\n  +Ysaac le chauderlier\n    +Ysaac the ketelmaker\n  Donne quatre chaudrons,\n    Gyueth four ketellis,\n  Contenant douze galons chescun,\n    Conteynyng twelue galons euerich,              4\n  Pour quarant gros le piece.\n    For fourty grotes the pece.\n  Et le bon chandelliere\n    And the good candelmaker\n  Donne quatre chandeylles de sieu[1]\n    Gyueth foure talow candellis\n  Pour vng denier le piece.\n    [Footnote 1: sleu]\n  ++ZAchare le procureur\n    ++ZAchare the proctour\n  Mapporte vne sommonce;\n    Hath brought me a sommonce;\n  Car iay faicte sommondre\n    For I haue to do somone\n  +Ierome le barbier;\n  Ie playderay encontre luy.\n    I shall plete ayenst hym.\n  +Iosse le parceminier\n    +Iosse the parchemyn maker\n  Me vendi vne piel parcemyn\n    Solde me a skyn of parchemyn\n  Qui tout flua,\n  Et vne couuerture de franchin\n    And a coueryng of franchyn\n  Rees a vng les,\n    Shauen on the one syde,\n  Qui riens ne valoit,\n    Whiche nought was worth,\n  Que ie ny puis sus escripre.\n    That I myght not write vpon.                  20\n  Va querre vne ponce[2]\n    Goo fecche a pomyce\n  Et du meillour papier,\n    And of the best papier,\n  Mon caniuet, mes forcettes.\n    My penknyf, my sheris.\n    [Footnote 2: pouce]\n  Iescripray vne lettre damours;\n    I shall write a lettre of loue,               24\n  Se lenuoyeray a mamye.\n    And shall sende it to my loue.\n[Sidenote: [CH. IX.]]\n  ++Je suy tout lasses\n    ++I am alle wery\n  De tant de noms nommer\n    Of so many names to name\n  De tant de mestiers,\n  Tant doffices, tant deseruices;\n    So many offices, so many seruises;\n[Sidenote: P. 45.]\n  Je me veul reposer.\n    I wyll reste me.\n  ++Encore dont, pour ralongier\n    ++Neuertheless, for to lengthe\n  Ce que iay comenciet,\n    That whiche I haue begonne,                   32\n  Diray ie du meilleur:\n    I shall saye the beste:\n  Cest que dieu nous crea\n    That is, that god hath made vs\n  A la samblance\n    Vnto the lykenes\n  De luy mesmes.\n  Je dy au commencement,\n    I saye atte begynnyng,\n  Qui bien fera bien aura.\n    Who doth well shall well haue.\n  Dieu est misericors,\n    God is mercyfull,\n  Et si est iuste;\n[Headnote: SERVE OUR LORD AND THE SAINTS.]\n  Il a mercy des pecheurs\n    He hath mercy of the synnars\n  Qui cognoistre se veullent;\n    Which hem selfe wyll knowe;\n  De ceulx qui ont repentance,\n    Of them that haue repentaunce,\n  Qui fasse vraye confession,\n    Which make verry confession,                   4\n  Et leur penance parfacent\n    And theyr penaunce fuldoo\n  Que le confesseur leurs charge.\n    That the confessour them charge.\n  Et le faulx mauuais,\n    And the false euyll,\n  Que damender nont cure,\n    That to amende them recche not,                8\n  Selon la saincte escripture,\n    After the holy scripture,\n  Sont en auenture de perir.\n    Ben in aduenture to perysshe.\n  Pour ce est il mal aduises\n    Therfore he is euyll aduised\n  Qui nauret le[1] sent\n    That wounded hym selfe feleth                 12\n  En peril de mort,\n    In peryll of deth,\n    [Footnote 1: ? se]\n  Sil ne prend remede\n    Yf he take not remedye\n  Quand il le scet ou trouuer.\n    Whan he knoweth wher to fynde.\n  On dist qui sert nostre seigneur,\n    Men saye who serueth our lord, 16\n  Et la vierge marie,\n    And the mayde marye,\n  Les sains apostles,\n    The holy apostles,\n  Les[2] quatre euangelistes,\n    The foure euangelistes,\n    [Footnote 2: Le]\n  Angeles et archangeles,\n    Angelis and archangelis,                      20\n  Prophetes et martirs,\n    Prophetes and martris,\n  Patriarces, confesseurs,\n    Patriarkis, confessours,\n  Sainttes viergenes,\n    Holy virgynes,\n  Sainctes vesues,\n  Saints innocens--\n    Holy innocentes--\n  Ces saints et sainctes--\n    These saynctes--\n  Il attend bon loijer\n    He attendeth good reward\n  Enuers dieu par leurs priers.\n    Anenst god by theyr prayers.                  28\n  On doibt oyr messe\n    Men ought to here masse\n  Et touttes les heures du iour;\n    And all the houres of the day;\n  Qui en est aysies au moins.\n    Whiche is at his ease atte leste.\n[Sidenote: P. 46.]\n  Aller veoir le sacrament\n  Est vng bon desiunement.\n    Is a good brekefast.\n  Se vous debues\n    Yf ye owe\n  Aucunes pelerinages,\n    Ony pylgremages,\n  Si les payes hastiuement.\n  Quand vous estes meus\n    Whan ye be meuyd\n  Pour aller vostre voyage,\n    For to goo your viage,\n  Et vous ne scaues le chemin,\n    And ye knowe not the waye,\n  Si le demandes ainssi[3],\n    [Footnote 3: amssi]\n[Headnote: TRAVEL TALK. LODGING FOR HORSE AND MAN.]\n  En commandant les gens a dieu:\n    In comandyng the peple to god:\n  \u2018A dieu, bonnes gens;\n    \u2018To god, goode peple;\n  Ie men voie a sainct Jaques,\n    I goo to saynt James,\n  A nostre dame de boulogne.\n  A la quelle porte ysseray ie,\n    At whiche gate shall I goo out,\n  Et a quelle main\n    And at whiche hande\n  Prenderay ie mon chemyn?\u2019\u201d\n    Shall I take my way?\u2019\u201d\n  A le main dextre,\n  Quand vous venres a vng pont,\n    Whan ye come to a brigge,\n  Si les passes;\n    So goo ther over;\n  Vous trouueres vne voyette\n    Ye shall fynde a lytill waye\n  A le main senestre,\n  Qui vous menra en vne contre\n    Whiche shall brynge you in a contre\n  La vous verres sur vne eglise\n    There shall ye see vpon a chirche\n  Deux haultes clocquiers;\n    Two hye steples;\n  De la aurez vous\n  Que quatre lieuwes\n    But four myle\n  Iusques a vostre gyste.\n    Vnto your loggyng.\n  La seres vous bien aisies\n    There shall ye be well easyd\n  Pour vostre argent,\n  Et se y aures bon hostel.\n    And ye shall haue a good Jnne.\n  \u201cDame, dieu y soit!\u201d\n    \u201cDame, god be here!\u201d\n  \u201cCompain, vous soies bien venus.\u201d\n    \u201cFelaw, ye be welcome.\u201d\n  \u201cPoroye ie auoir\n  Ung licte chyens?\n    A bedde here withinne?\n  Pourray ie cy herbegier?\u201d\n    May I here be logged?\u201d\n  \u201cOyl, bien et nettement,\n    \u201cYe, well and clenly,\n  Si fussies vous dousisme[1],\n  tout a cheual.\u201d\n    Alle on horseback.\u201d\n    [Footnote 1: donsisme]\n  \u201cNennil,[2] fors que nous trois.\n    \u201cNay, but we thre.\n  A il a mengier chy ens?\u201d\n    Is there to ete here within?\u201d\n    [Footnote 2: Nenuil]\n  \u201cOyl, asses, dieu mercy.\u201d\n  \u201cApportes nous ent.\n    \u201cBrynge it to vs.\n[Sidenote: P. 47.]\n  Donnes du fain as cheuaulx,\n    Gyue heye to the hors,\n  Et les estraines bien;\n    And strawe them well;\n  Mais quils soient abuures.\u201d\n  \u201cDame que debuons nous?\n    \u201cDame what owe we?\n  Nous avons este bien aise.\n    We have ben well easyd.\n  Nous compterons demain,\n    We shall rekene to morow,\n  Et payerons aussi,\n    And shall paye also, 40\n[Headnote: AT THE INN. A NUMBER-BOOK TO BE WRITTEN.]\n  Que vous vous en loeres.\n    That ye shall hold you plesid.\n  Menes nous couchier;\n    Brynge vs to slepe;\n  Nous sommes lasses.\u201d\n    We ben wery.\u201d\n  \u201cBien, ie voye, vous reposeres.\n  Iannette, alumes le chandeille;\n    Ienette, lyghte the candell;\n  Si les menes la sus\n    And lede them ther aboue\n  Ou soler deuant;\n    In the solere tofore;\n  Si leur porte de liauwe chaude\n  pour lauer leurs pieds;\n    For to wasshe their feet;\n  Si les couure de coussins.\n    And couere them with quysshons.\n  Regarde que lestable\n    Se that the stable\n  Soit bien fremme.\u201d\n    [Footnote: [? ferme]]\n  \u201cDame, peult on nauyer\n    \u201cDame, may men goo by ship\n  Descy a bouloigne?\u201d\n    Fro hens to boloyne?\u201d\n  \u201cOyl, maintenant il ya\n    \u201cYe, now ther is\n  Vne nef preste plaine de gens.\n    A shippe redy ful of peple.                   16\n  Dieu les veulle conduire!\n    God well them conduyte!\n  Dieu les amaine a sauuete!\n    God brynge them in sauete!\n  Dieu les laisse leur voye\n    God late them theyr waye\n  Bien employer!\n  Escoutes! il tonne et esclire;\n    Herke! it thondreth and lyghtneth;\n  Y pluyt et gresille;\n    It rayneth and haylleth;\n  Dieu saulue les biens des champs!\u201d\n    God saue the goodes of the feldes!\u201d\n  \u201cDieu en puist souuenir.\u201d\n  Seigneurs, qui vouldroit,\n    Lordes, who wolde,\n  Ce liure ne fineroit iamais,\n    This boke shold neuer be ended,\n  Car on ne pourroit tant escripre\n    For men may not so moche write\n  Quon ne trouueroit toudis plus:\n    Me shold fynde alway more:                    28\n  Le parchemin est debonnaire;\n    The parchemen is so meke;\n  Il seuffre sour luy escripre\n    Hit suffreth on hit to write\n  Quancques on veult.\n    What someuer men wylle.\n[Sidenote: [CH. X.]]\n  ++CY appres vous deuiseray\n    ++HEre after I shall deuyse you               32\n  Vng liuret quon appelle\n    A litell book that men call\n  Le nombre, le quel est\n    The nombre, the which is\n  Moult prouffytable,\n    Moche prouffytable[1],\n    [Footnote 1: pronffytable]\n[Sidenote: P. 48.]\n  Par le quel\n  On pourra scauoir compter\n    Men shall mowe conne rekene\n  De denier as deniers;\n    Fro peny[2] to pens;\n    [Footnote 2: peuy]\n  Si en poes retenir\n    So may ye reteyne\n  Les debtes quon vous doibt,\n    The dettes that men owe you, 40\n[Headnote: NUMBERS AND COINS. THE EPILOGUE.]\n  Et les receptes\n    And the receyttes\n  Que vous aues rechupt\n    That ye haue receyuyd\n  Ou que vous aues paiet.\n    Or that ye haue payd.\n  Si commencies ainsi\n  Comme est declare cy apres:\n    As is declared hereafter:\n  ++UNg, deux, trois,\n    ++ONe, tweyne, thre,\n  Quatre, chincq, six,\n    Foure, fyue, sixe,\n  Sept, huyt, neuf, dix,\n  Onze, douze, treze,\n    Enleuen, twelue, thirtene,\n  Quatourze, quinze, seze,\n    Fourtene, fiftene, sixtene,\n  Dixsept, dixhuyt,\n    Seuentene, eyghtene,\n  Dixneuf, vingt,\n  Trente, quarante,\n    Thretty, fourty,\n  Chincquante, soixante,\n    Fyfty, Syxty,\n  Septante, huytante,\n    Seuenty, eyghty,\n  Ou quatre vingt,\n  Nonante, Cent,\n    Nynty, hondred,\n  Deux cents,\n    Two hondred,\n  Mille, Cent mille,\n    A thousand, a hondred thousand,\n  Vng million;\n  Ainsi toudis montant.\n    Thus alleway mountyng.\n  +Vne liure de strelins,\n    +A pound sterlings,\n  Vne marcq que vault\n    A marcke that is worth\n  Deux nobles[1] dangleter,\n    [Footnote 1: uobles]\n  Vne liure de gros,\n    A pound grete,\n  Monoye de flaundres,\n    Moneye of flaundres,\n  Vne soulde que vault\n    A shellyng that is worth\n  Trois gros ou douze deniers,\n    Thre grotis or twelue pens,                   28\n  Vne gros vault quatre deniers,\n    A grote is worth four pens,\n  Vng denier, vne maille,\n    A peny, a halfpeny,\n  Vng quadrant, vne mite.\n    A ferdyng, a myte.\n  ++CY fine ceste doctrine,\n    ++HEre endeth this doctrine,                  32\n  A westmestre les loundres\n    At westmestre, by london,\n  En formes impressee,\n    In fourmes enprinted,\n  En le quelle vng chescun\n    In the whiche one euerich\n  Pourra briefment aprendre\n  Fransois et engloys.\n    Frenssh and englissh.\n[Sidenote: P. 49.]\n  La grace de sainct esperit\n    The grace of the holy ghoost\n  Veul enluminer les cures\n    Wylle enlyghte the hertes\n[Headnote: A CONCLUDING PRAYER.]\n  De ceulx qui le aprendront,\n    Of them that shall lerne it,\n  Et nous doinst perseuerance\n    And vs gyue perseueraunce\n  En bonnes operacions,\n    In good werkes,\n  Et apres cest[1] vie transitorie\n    And after lyf[2] transitorie                   4\n  La pardurable ioye & glorie!\n    The euerlastyng ioye and glorie!\n    [Footnote 1: ceste, Blades ii. 133.]\n    [Footnote 2: this lyf, Blades ii. 133.]\nLIST OF ENGLISH WORDS\n  +accidents+, books of accidence, 38/40.\n  +aduenture+:\n    _in a._, likely, in danger, 48/10.\n  +after+ (rendering Flemish _achter_, Fr. _aval_), throughout,\n  +Alemayne+, +Almayne+, Germany, 14/17, 22/27.\n  +Alemaynes+, Germans, 42/40.\n  +all+, used as adverb, 31/7;\n    +alle+, with subj., even if, 49/28;\n    +all halowes+, the feast of All Saints, 28/18.\n  +alleway+, always, 9/23.\n  +almesse+, alms, 33/8.\n  +alouses+, shad, 12/7.\n  +amendes+, penalty, fine, 44/9.\n  +Andwerp+, Antwerp, 18/37.\n  +andyrons+, andirons, 8/8.\n  +anenst+, towards, in the sight of, 48/28.\n  +angre+, refl., be angry, 31/6.\n  +anone+, immediately, 25/26.\n  +apostomes+, imposthumes, abscesses, 41/23.\n  +apotecarie+, apothecary, 19/34.\n  +appereth+, apperith, 37/34, 38/2.\n  +arblastrer+, crossbowman, 36/26.\n  +Ardane+, Ardennes, 43/38.\n  +auantage+, advantage, 46/11.\n  +auaunte+, refl., boast, 30/14.\n  +auctour+, author, 3/33.\n  +Austyns+, Augustine friars, 24/5.\n  +Auynyon+, +Auinion+, Avignon, 22/20, 45/21.\n  +bacenet+, bassinet, helmet, 33/34.\n  +bales+, balls (of alum), 20/36.\n  +banerett+, knight banneret, 24/33;\n    _double banerette_, 24/36.\n  +bankers+, coverings for benches, 7/1.\n  +barke+, bark (used in dyeing), 34/29.\n  +ba[r]terye+, pots and pans, 38/26.\n  +basenne+, sheep leather, 19/26.\n  +bastard+, a wine, 14/7.\n  +baylly+, bailiff, 30/10.\n  +Beane+, Beaune, 14/5.\n  +becke+:\n    _drink b. to b._, drink together (Fr. _bec \u00e0 bec_).\n  +bedes+, beads, 46/3.\n  +Beghyns+, Beguines, 24/11.\n  +beldame+, mother-in-law, 6/2.\n  +belfadre+, father-in-law, 6/2.\n  +Beme+, Bohemia, 22/38.\n  +benes+, beans, 13/39.\n  +Benet+ (seynt), St. Benedict, 24/2.\n  +bere+, bear (animal), 11/21.\n  +bergayne+, bargain for, 14/28.\n  +berne+, barn, 40/2.\n  +betes+, beetroot, 13/32.\n  +beuer+, beaver (for hats), 40/39;\n    +beuers+, beavers (animals), 9/1.\n  +bileue+, believe;\n  +bocher+, butcher, 37/31;\n  +bocherie+, meat-market, 37/32.\n  +bocle+, buckle, 21/28.\n  +boden+, bid, offered, 15/35.\n  +Boloyne+, Boulogne, 49/4, 50/14.\n  +bordclothes+, table cloths, 8/24.\n  +born+, carried, 32/3.\n  +boulye+, a drink, 14/19.\n  +bourghmaistre+, burgomaster, 44/13.\n  +Bousser+ (= Fr. _Bourshier_), _vycounte of B._, 24/30.\n  +brasyll+, brazil wood, 20/18, 34/27.\n  +brede+, breadth, 16/23.\n  +brede+, bread, 26/39.\n  +brekynge+, rupture, hernia, 41/28.\n  +brembles+, brambles;\n    +bremble beries+ (Fr. _grouselles_, gooseberries), 13/23.\n  +bremes+, bream, 12/7.\n  +brenne+, burn, 30/26.\n  +briches+, breeches, 8/37.\n  +bridelmakers+, 1/16.  [[error for 2/16]]\n  +brigge+, bridge, 49/9.\n  +brocorage+, brokerage, 42/35.\n  +brocour+, broker, 42/34;\n  +broun peper+, black pepper, 10/28;\n    +broun sugre+, 20/1.\n  +browet+, stew, broth, 10/20;\n  +broythures+, embroideries, 22/5.\n  +Burgoyne+, Burgundy, 24/19.\n  +butores+, bitterns, 10/40.\n  +buxom+, polite, 9/39.\n  +by cause that+, because, 46/32.\n  +byleding+, translation of Fr. _deduit_, delight, 29/12.\n  +bystowe+, lay out (money), 20/20.\n  +bythynke+, remember, think upon, 50/24.\n  +calle+, headdress, 42/18.  [[error for 42/17]]\n  +callyng+, invocation (of the Trinity), 1/5.\n  +Camerik+, Cambray, 23/19.\n  +cammelle+, ? for _cannelle_, cinnamon, 20/2.\n  +can+, knows, is skilled in, 33/13;\n    see +conne+.\n  +cannes+, cans (tin), 7/17;\n    earthen pots, 7/10.\n  +carier+, wagoner, 45/9.\n  +castelayn+, castellan (of Dover), 24/29.\n  +castell+, cattle, 40/1.\n  +catell+, money, 15/12;\n    +catayllys+, chattels, furniture, 1/8.\n  +Cathon+, Dionysius Cato, 9/27;\n    +catons+, copies of Cato\u2019s \u2018Disticha,\u2019 38/38.\n  +caudell+, caudle, 14/1.\n  +Cecile+, Sicily, 22/36.\n  +certainly+, definitely, 16/1.\n  +chalon+, ? blanket, coverlet (but used to render F. _calys_,\n      apparently \u2018couch\u2019), 7/2.\n  +change+, exchange office, 45/34.\n  +changer+, money-changer, 45/33;\n  +chanons+, canons, 23/30.\n  +chapell+, chapel:\n  +chapitre+, chapter, 14/4.  [[error for 15/4]]\n  +chappelains+, chaplains, 24/7.\n  +charge+:\n    _haue no c. of_, don\u2019t care for, 31/4.\n  +Chartre hous+:\n    _monkes of C._, Carthusians, 24/4.\n  +chekens+, chickens, 10/32.\n  +chepe+, bargain for, 10/24.\n  +chertes+, shirts, 8/37.\n  +cheruyll+, chervil, 13/32.\n  +cheuissheth her+, is successful, 42/11.\n  +chirche haliday+, church feast, fair, 19/7.\n  +chorle+, peasant, 30/8.\n  +Cistiauls+, Citeaux, 23/37.\n  +clarey+, a spiced wine, 14/12.\n  +clergesses+, members of female religious orders, 24/11.\n  +cnoppes+, lumps (in yarn), 32/30.\n  +cobelers+, cobblers, 2/28.\n  +coddelynges+, codfish, 12/3.\n  +coffyns+, caskets, 21/33.\n  +coler+, collar (for horses), 46/27;\n  +colermaker+, (horse)collar maker, 46/26.\n  +Coleyne+, Cologne, 23/8.\n  +commaunde+, commend, 5/21, 6/12.\n  +complyn+, late evening service, 27/30.\n  +comyn+, common, 1/17.\n  +comyne+, cummin, 19/40.\n  +conduyte+, guide, 5/24.\n  +confyte+, comfrey (see the Notes), 13/19.\n  +congres+, conger-eels, 12/8.\n  +conne+, know, be skilled in, 37/39;\n    see +can+.\n  +contre+, country, 5/2.\n  +conyes+, rabbits, 9/2.\n  +cool+, cabbage, 13/30.\n  +cordewan+, Cordovan leather, 19/24.\n  +cordewanner+, shoemaker, 35/35.\n  +corffes+, baskets, 38/21.\n  +corse+, girdle, 21/27.\n  +coryer+, currier, 46/14;\n  +coryeth+, curries, 46/17.\n  +cosen alyed+, cousin by marriage, 29/13.\n  +cosyns germayns+, cousins german, 6/5.\n  +couerar of tyles+, tiler, 40/23.\n  +couercles+, lids, 7/35, 7/40.  [[7/40 unidentified error]]\n  +couerlettes+, coverlets, 6/40.\n  +couper+, cooper, 44/6;  [[error for 44/16]]\n  +coursour+, courser, 45/29.\n  +courtosye+, courtesy, 18/16.\n  +courtoys+, courteous, 5/12.\n  +coyfes for men+, coifs, 21/38.\n  +crafte+, trade, 46/15;\n  +creuyches+, crayfish, 12/15.\n  +cristall+ (for beads), 46/3.\n  +crosse+:\n    _neuer a c._, not a farthing, 15/40.\n  +cubibes+, cubebs, 19/39.\n  +curattes+, curates, 24/7.\n  +cure+, church benefice, 45/23.\n  +damoyselle+, +damyselle+, young lady, 4/19, 4/30, 5/29, 15/39.\n  +dampned+, damned, 45/37.\n  +Danes men+, Danes, 43/7.  [[error for 43/8]]\n  +dangerous+, hard to manage, cross-tempered, 32/12.\n  +daubed+, plastered, 40/35.\n  +dawber+, plasterer, 40/36.\n  +dedicace+, parish festival, 46/2.\n  +dene+, dean (of a trade guild), 44/7.\n  +dere chepe+, high buying prices, 35/34.\n  +deuyse+, explain, 14/27.\n  +dight+, prepare (food), 10/28.\n  +discouered+, uncovered, 40/28.\n    see +doo+.\n  +doctrinals+, copies of the _Doctrinale_ (a grammar), 38/38.\n  +dokes+, ducks, 12/32.\n  +donettis+, copies of Donatus\u2019s grammar, 38/40.\n  +doo+, as a causative auxiliary, 26/5, 37/21;  [[error for 26/25]]\n  +Dornyk+, Tournay, 18/30.\n  +doseyns+, dozens, 46/4.\n  +doughter+,\n    mistranslation of _fille_, prostitute, 46/30;\n    of _filleule_, god-daughter, 44/26.\n  +dresse+, serve up (food), 31/23;\n    _d. to ete_, prepare a meal, 26/38.\n  +dyerye+, dyer\u2019s business, 20/37.\n  +dystaf+, distaff, 32/27.\n    +thelle+, the ell, 15/8.\n  +Elzeter+, Alsace, 14/4.\n  +eme+, uncle, 6/3.\n  +en+, redundant negative (a Flemicism), 18/18.\n  +enfourme+, instruct, 9/33.\n  +enke hornes+, inkhorns, 21/35.\n  +enleuen+, eleven, 51/9.\n  +enlumined+, illuminated (of a manuscript), 39/1.\n  +enlyghte+, enlighten, 51/39.\n  +enprinted+, printed, 38/36, 51/34.\n  +entremete+, refl., undertake, 20/40.\n  +entreprise+, undertake, 3/38.\n  +ered+, ploughed, 45/12.\n  +erst+, first, before doing something else, 27/8.\n  +Esterlynges+, Easterlings, 43/1.\n  +estre+, Easter, 28/13.\n  +eternalite+, what is eternal, 45/39.\n  +eueryche+, +euerich+, everybody, 2/39, 31/1;\n    _one euerich_, 51/35.\n  +euyll+, bad (in quality), 40/20;\n    _e. auenture_, ill luck, 29/10.\n  +euyll+, badly, 11/12.\n  +eyrekakis+, egg cakes, ? omelets, 13/1.\n  +failled+:\n    _ye f._, you wanted (anything), 18/4.\n  +fair syre+, my good sir, 18/3.\n  +falle+, occur, be met with, 25/11.\n  +fatte+, vat, cask, 26/19.\n  +fauconers+, falconers, 43/36.\n  +faucons+, falcons, 43/37.\n  +faulte+:\n    _without f._, without fail, 37/14.  [[error for 37/24]]\n  +fayres+, fairs, 1/19.\n  +felaw+, +felawe+, as a polite term of address, 4/34, 49/23;\n    _my felaws_, my companions, 18/23.\n  +felawship+, society, companionship, 31/5.\n  +feldeseed+, \u2018field seed,\u2019 20/10.\n  +fellis+, skins, 19/23.\n  +ferdyng+, farthing, 51/31.\n  +ferme+, rent, annual payment, 37/5.\n  +festes+, festivals, 28/3.  [[error for 28/7]]\n  +feuerer+, February, 27/39.\n  +fichews+, polecats, 11/18.\n  +flawnes+, flawns, 12/34.\n  +flesshshamels+, shambles, 10/8.\n  +flued+, made the ink run, 47/16.\n  +folke+, people, folks, 9/40;\n    _f. of ordre_, members of religious orders, 2/5.\n  +folye+, folly, 45/38.\n    _for to_, = to (with infinitive), 2/40, 4/5;\n    _for this that_, because, 32/34.\n  +forbere+, bear with, defer to, 9/25.\n  +forcer+, +forcyer+, +forcier+, chest with a lock, 8/20, 36/7, 46/35.\n  +forgeten+, forgotten, 13/2.\n  +formaketh+, repairs, mends, 44/17, 46/24.\n  +foryere+, last year, 32/5.\n  +fourbysshour+, furbisher, 33/26.\n  +fourmes+, (printers\u2019) forms, 51/34.\n  +franchise+, freedom (of a trade guild), 32/17.\n  +franchyn+, a sort of parchment, 47/17.\n  +frere+, friar:\n    _freres menours_, Minorites, Franciscans, 24/3;\n    _lewd freris_, lay brothers, Beghards, 24/6.\n  +frockes+, = Fr. _sourcorps_, 8/30.\n  +fulcome+, accomplish (a journey), 50/20.\n  +fuldoo+, perform, 48/5.\n  +furmenty+, furmety, 13/40.\n  +galentyne+, sauce, 42/24.\n  +galles+, gall-nuts, 34/27.\n  +galoches+, overshoes, 35/39.\n  +ganselyn+, a garlic sauce, 42/26.\n  +garettis+, garrets, 6/28.\n  +Garnade+, ? Granada:\n  +Gaunt+, Ghent, 18/28.  [[error for 18/29]]\n  +geloffres+, cloves, 13/35.\n  +gerfaucons+, gerfalcons, 43/38.\n  +germayns+:\n    see +cosyns germayns+.\n  +Germole+:\n  +ghees+, geese, 12/31.\n    used as singular, 10/23.\n  +ghestes+, guests, 42/39.\n  +ghyrle+, girl, 44/27.\n  +gloues of yron+, gauntlets, 33/37.\n  +God+, in salutations, &c.:\n    _G. give you good daye_, 4/32;\n    _G. late me deserue it_, 5/15;\n    _G. you haue in his holy kepyng_, 5/26;\n  +Goddes peny+, broker\u2019s commission, 42/36.\n  +gogeorns+, gudgeons, 12/16.\n  +good chepe+, cheap, 15/11.\n  +goodlynes+, pleasant manners, 18/17.  [[error for 18/15]]\n  +gorelmakers+, horsecollar makers, 2/37.\n  +gorgette+, armour for the neck, 33/36.\n  +gramercy+, many thanks, 5/11, 18/11.\n  +graye+, vair, fur, 46/21.\n  +grayne+, grain:\n    _graynes of paradys_, 20/3.\n  +graywerker+, furrier, 46/19.\n  +grene of Spayne+, 20/17.\n  +grene sauce+ (eaten with pork), 10/11.  [[error for 10/13]]\n  +grete+, great:\n    _in g._, wholesale, 46/4.\n  +greue+, (of food) disagree with, 11/6.\n  +greywerke+, furriery, 2/36.\n  +grote+, groat, coin, 51/29;\n  +growell+, gruel, 14/2.\n  +guldrens+, guilders, gulden, 17/31.\n  +gyuing oute+, expenditure, 3/9.\n  +habergeon+, 33/35,\n  +haddoks+, haddocks, 12/3.\n  +halting+, lame, 32/32.\n  +handwerker+, farm labourer, 45/17.\n  +happe+, luck, fortune, 29/22.\n  +hardy+, bold, brave, 24/32.\n  +haue right+ (= _avez droit_), 15/20.\n  +hawgher+, heifer, 10/20.  [[error for 10/19]]\n  +heberow+, lodging, 5/31.\n  +heeryng+, +heryng+, herring, 12/8, 12/9.\n  +hegge+, hedge, 45/19.\n  +hekell+, heckle, 45/7.\n  +heklester+, (female) heckler, 45/5.\n  +hem+, them, themselves, 45/36.\n  +Henaud+, Hainault, 24/28.\n  +herber+, garden, 45/13.\n  +herthe+, hearth, 8/6.\n  +hether+, hither, 31/27.\n  +heth hennes+, moor hens, 11/1.\n  +hewke+, a sort of cloak, 16/18;\n    +heukes+, 8/31, mantle.\n  +Heynewiers+, people of Hainault, 43/7.\n  +holde+:\n    _holde you companye_, accompany you, 26/5.\n  +hole+, whole, 15/7;\n    in good health, 35/13.\n  +honde+, hand;\n    _take on h._, undertake, 3/38.\n  +hooled+, holed, torn, 34/15.\n  +hosteler+, innkeeper, 42/38;\n    +hosteliers+, 2/30.\n  +hound+, dog (skin), 41/3.\n  +houres+, hours (of divine service), 48/30;\n    see +oures+.\n  +howsed+, provided with a house, 34/20.\n  +hye dayes+, festival days, 31/31.\n  +hyndecalf+, fawn, 10/27.\n  +Janiver+, January, 27/39.\n  +jaquet+, jacket, 33/40.\n  +Jenewys+, Genoese, 43/6.\n  +in longe tyme+, for a long time, 5/1.\n  +joustynges+, tiltings, 25/2.\n  +joynar+, joiner, 46/34;\n  +justes+, tiltings, 45/26.\n  +Juyll+, July, 28/2.\n  +kalenders+, calendars, 39/4.\n  +kawdrons+, cauldrons, 7/6.\n  +kembyth+, combs (wool), 32/21.\n  +kempster+, female woolcomber, 32/18;\n    +kempsters+, 2/15.\n  +kersses+, creases, 13/36.  [[error for 13/35]]\n  +ketelmaker+, kettle-maker, 47/2;\n    +ketelmakers+, 2/23.\n  +keuerchief+ (see the Notes), 8/36;\n    +keuerchifs+, kerchiefs, 43/14.  [[error for 42/14]]\n  +keupis+, tubs, barrels, 44/17.\n  +knowlechid+, confessed, 43/24.\n  +kreme+, cream, 12/38.\n  +laces+, latchets, ties, 21/40.\n  +langyng+, belonging, 1/8.\n  +lastes+, lasts (weight), 21/13.\n  +lauendre+, laundress, 31/26.\n  +lauours+, wash-hand basins, 7/8.\n  +lede+, lead, cart (dung), 45/11.\n  +leed+, lead (metal), 21/22.\n  +lelyes+, lilies, 13/20.\n  +lengthe+, lengthen, 57/31.  [[error for 47/31]]\n  +letews+, lettuce, 13/34.\n  +leuain+, leaven, 14/20.\n  +leue+, leave:\n  +leue+, make an abatement, 16/3.\n  +leuer+, rather, 15/37.\n  +leuyng+, leaving;\n    used to translate _relief_ (_de la table_), 9/7.\n  +lewd freris+, lay brothers, Beghards, 24/6.\n  +leyzer+, leisure;\n    _by l._, in a leisurely way (i.e. finding little custom), 46/20.\n  +librariers+, booksellers, 2/23.\n  +lichorous+, dainty, fond of good living, 33/20.\n  +loches+, loach, 12/16.\n  +loftes+, upper rooms, 6/28.\n  +lokyer+, locksmith, 46/32;  [[error for 46/31]]\n  +longhe+, lung, 26/28.\n  +luses+, luces, pike (fish), 12/12.  [[error for 12/13]]\n  +luste+, desire, 32/36.\n  +lyef+, ladylove, 29/14.\n  +lyfte honde+, left hand, 48/12.  [[error for 49/12]]\n  +lynweuar+, linen weaver, 38/9;\n    +lynweuers+, 2/22.\n  +lystes+ (translation of _lesons_, settees), 7/5.\n  +maistre+, prefix to the name of a physician, 34/38.\n  +makerell+, mackerel, 12/6.\n  +maluesey+, malmsey, 14/10.\n  +mandemaker+, basket maker, 38/19;\n    +maundemakers+, 2/24.\n  +mandis+, baskets, 38/21.\n  +marchans+, merchants, 21/17.\n  +marcke+, mark (coin), 51/24.  [[error for 51/23]]\n  +mareshall+, marshal (of France), 30/2.\n  +maroners+, sailors, 11/39.\n  +marte+, market, fair, 19/1.\n  +Mase+, the Meuse, 12/18.\n  +masone+, do mason\u2019s work, 40/9.\n  +mastrye+, +maystrye+, rule, 43/28;  [[error for 43/27]]\n    _has them to mastrye_, has them in his power, 43/25.\n  +matynes+, matins, 27/17.\n  +mayde Marie+, the Virgin Mary, 48/17.\n  +mayntene+, keep a stock of, 6/29.\n  +mecop+, poppy;\n  +mede+, mead (drink), 14/15.\n  +medle with+, deal in, 18/6.\n  +medleyed+, mixed, 14/34.\n  +medliers+, medlars, 13/7.\n  +meesen+, tomtits, 10/37 (a Flemish word).\n  +membres+, limbs, 27/4.\n  +Mence+, Mayence, 23/10.\n  +merceryes+, mercer\u2019s goods, 1/28.\n  +meruaylle+, marvel, 32/31.\n  +meschief+, misfortune, 29/8.\n  +messager+, messenger, 45/1;\n    +messagiers+, 2/32.\n  +mestelyn+, mixed corn, 44/22.\n  +mete+ (verb), measure, 16/29;\n  +meuyd+, moved, disposed, 48/37.\n  +meyne+, household, 5/35.\n  +molettis+, mullets, fish, 12/6.\n  +morberies+, mulberries, 13/6.\n  +mormale+, gangrene, 41/40.\n  +morreey+, murrey (colour), 14/38.\n  +mortier+, mortar (kitchen utensil), 26/40.\n  +moten+:\n    see +mete+.\n  +mottes+, hillocks, mounds, 13/25.\n  +muscadel+ (wine), 14/7.\n  +mylnars+, millers, 2/21.\n  +myntemakers+, coiners, 2/34.\n  +myte+, half farthing, 51/31.\n  +Nauerne+, Navarre, 22/37.\n  +nayled+, studded with nails, 31/36.\n  +naylle+, clove (wool weight), 19/13.\n  +nether court+, farm yard, 40/2.\n  +neueus+, nephews, 6/6.\n  +nobles+, half-marks (6s. 8d.), 51/24;\n    see +ryallis nobles+.\n  +nokertree+, walnut tree, 13/14.\n  +noppe+, to burl (cloth), 33/15.\n  +nopster+, burler, 33/12.\n  +notes+, nuts, 13/6.\n  +nothyng+, not at all, 5/18.\n  +noyeng+, annoyance, harm, 29/8.\n  +officials+ (of the church), 2/4, 23/25.\n  +of the+, +of+, = Fr. partitive article, 10/9, 41/7, 47/22.\n  +olifaunts+, elephants, 11/19.\n  +orfrayes+, borders of gold lace, 36/8.  [[error for 36/9]]\n  +Oseye+, Alsace;\n  +Ostryche+, Austria, 24/20.\n  +othirwhyle+, sometimes, 40/21.\n  +ouermoche+, too much, 5/5.\n  +oughteth+, ought, 40/3.\n  +our lady in heruest+, the Assumption, Aug. 15, 28/23.\n  +our lady in marche+, Lady-day, Mar. 25, 28/21.\n  +oures+, books of hours, 38/39.\n    _oweth to_, is to (do something), 31/34.\n  +oynementis+, ointments, 41/24.\n  +paintours+, painters, 2/25.\n  +paintures+, pigments, paints, 20/16.\n  +parchemyn+, +perchemyn+, parchment, 2/38, 39/5, 47/15.\n  +pardon+, parish festival, 28/33.\n  +parfourmed+, finished making, 33/39.\n  +partie+, part, 21/2.\n  +partis+, books on the parts of speech, 38/40.\n  +partrichs+, partridges, 11/1.\n  +pasteyes+, pies, 12/37.\n  +pauntcher+, girdle to hold up the breeches, 8/35.  [[error for 8/38]]\n  +pauteners+, +pawteners+, purses, 36/22, 41/5.\n  +paynefull weke+, the Passion week, 28/28.\n  +pece+:\n  +pelowes+, pillows, 8/35.\n  +pendants of silke+, ? ribbons worn as trimmings for dress, 21/39.\n  +penners+, writing cases, 21/33.\n  +penyworthes+, wares, 18/1.\n  +perche+, pole to hang cloth on, 8/28.  [[error for 8/29]]\n  +perchemyn+:\n    see +parchemyn+.\n  +peres+, pears, 13/4.\n  +persely+, parsley, 13/32.\n  +pesibly+, peaceably, 9/17.  [[error for 9/18]]\n  +pesshes+, peaches, 12/7.  [[error for 13/7]]\n  +pestyll+, +pestel+, pestle, 8/28, 27/1.\n  +pikerellis+ (fish), 12/13.\n  +pilchemaker+, pelisse maker, 14/23;  [[error for 46/23]]\n    cf. +pylche+.\n  +plackes+, placks (Scots copper coin), 17/23.\n  +plaise+, +plese+, please:\n    _if you plaise ony thyng_, 5/6;\n    _yf it you plese you_, 15/16.\n  +plate+, breastplate, 33/33.\n  +platers+, platters, trays, 7/30.\n  +playne+, refl., complain, 31/12.\n  +plete+, go to law, 47/13.\n  +pleyers+, minstrels, 2/35.\n  +plouier+, plover, 10/35.\n  +polettes+, pullets, fowls, 44/2;\n    see +poullet+.\n  +pomyce+, pumice-stone, 47/21.\n  +Poole+, Poland, 22/39.\n  +porreette+, leeks, 13/3.  [[error for 13/31]]\n  +porselane+, purslain, 13/34.\n  +Portingale+, Portugal, 23/2.\n  +Portingalers+, Portuguese, 42/5.  [[error for 43/5]]\n  +portoses+, breviaries, 39/8.\n  +potages+, pot-herbs, 1/16;\n    soups or stews, 20/32.\n  +potterye+, crockery market, 7/13.\n  +poullet+, pullet, 10/32;\n    see +polettes+.\n  +pourchaced+, obtained, 38/37.\n  +pourpays+, porpoises, 12/2.\n  +powches+, pouches, 41/7.\n  +poyntels+, pencils for ruling lines, 21/34.\n  +poyntes+, tags for dress, 21/30.  [[error for 21/40]]\n  +Poytevins+, men of Poitou, 43/5.  [[error for 43/2]]\n  +preysith+, praises, 32/26.\n  +printed cakes+, 12/36.\n  +proctour+, proctor, 47/9.\n  +prouostye+, provostship, 30/11.\n  +pryelle+, meadow, close, 45/18.\n  +pulter+, poulterer, 44/1.\n  +pultrie+, poultry market, 10/30.\n  +pursser+, purse-maker, 41/4;\n  +pybakers+, pastry cooks, 2/34.\n  +pylche+, pelisse, 46/21;\n    cf. +pilchemaker+.\n  +pylle+ (verb), peel (garlic), 27/7.\n  +quarte+ (measure: = stope), 7/27.  [[error for 7/23]]\n  +qultes paynted+, counterpanes, 6/31.  [[error for 6/38]]\n  +quysshons+, cushions, 50/10.\n  +rapes+, turnips, 13/36.\n  +raye+, striped cloth, 14/39.\n  +Raynes+, Reims, 23/9.\n  +recche+, reck, care, 27/35;\n    used impersonally (_me reccheth_), 27/18.\n  +receyuour+, receiver of taxes, 44/35.\n  +recommaunde me to+, salute for me, 5/36.\n  +recyte+, receipts, income, 3/9.\n  +rekenynges+, accounts, 37/1.\n  +remeuyd+, removed, 34/20.\n  +renomed+, notorious, 40/19.\n  +rente+, income, 37/3.\n  +rented+, endowed with a stipend, 23/30.\n  +repreuud+, reproved, 33/4.\n  +respyte+, truce, 30/4.\n  +rightfull+, just (said of God), 47/40.\n  +roches+, roach, 12/15.\n  +Roen+, Rouen, 23/9.\n  +rogettis+, red mullet, 12/5.\n  +Romeneye+, wine of Roman\u00e9e, 14/10.\n  +royames+, kingdoms, 29/37.\n  +ryallis nobles+ (English coin), 17/33.\n  +rynysshe+, +rynysh+, Rhenish (wine), 14/4;\n  +Ryselle+, Lille, 18/31.\n  +Sacrament+, day of, Corpus Christi day, 28/30.\n  +sad blew+, dark blue, 14/38.\n  +salewe+, salute, 4/23;\n  +salews+, saluts (coin of Lyons), 17/34.\n  +sallyers+, salt-cellars, 7/32.\n  +samon+, salmon, 12/17.\n  +sarges+, blankets, 6/37.\n  +sauete+, safety, 50/18.\n  +sauf your grace+, by your leave, 17/3, 28/36.\n  +saussers+, sauce boats, 7/31.\n  +sawters+, psalters, 39/1.\n  +saye+, a kind of cloth, 14/40.\n  +sayme of hereng+ (heryngs), lard, grease, 20/33, 46/18.\n  +scallyd+, scabbed, 36/5.\n  +scoutes+ (Flemish municipal officers), 43/28.\n  +scryne+, casket, 46/36.\n  +scutes+, \u00e9cus, crowns, 17/32.\n  +seethe+, boil, 30/23.\n  +selers+, cellars, 6/30.\n  +seuen salmes+, books containing the seven penitential psalms, 39/1.\n  +sextain+, sacristan, 45/20.\n  +sextiers+ (measure of capacity), 1/8.  [[error for 21/8]]\n  +shal wylle+, 3/37.\n  +shame+ (refl.), to be ashamed, 37/14.\n  +shelynges+, shillings, 3/8, 15/15.\n  +shepster+, tailoress, 42/10;\n    +shepsters+, 2/29.\n  +shere+, shear (cloth), 32/14.\n  +sheremen+, shearers (of cloth), 2/15.\n  +sheres+, shears, scissors, 21/36.\n  +shette+, shut, 50/12.\n  +shold+, should (= would), 3/3.\n  +shrewest+, worst-tempered, 44/27.\n  +siewet+, suet (renders Fr. _sieu_, tallow), 20/30.\n  +skaylles+, ? flat tiles, 40/25.\n  +skepyns+, Flemish aldermen, 43/29.\n  +so+, = O.Fr. _si_ (emphasizing a statement), 4/21.\n  +soden+, boiled, 12/25;  [[error for 12/35]]\n    _wyn s._, boiled wine, 14/11.\n  +solas+, comfort, 29/7.\n  +solere+, upper story, 50/7.\n  +sommonce+, summons, 47/10.\n  +somone+, summon, 47/11.\n  +sooles+, solos (fish), 12/4.\n  +sowers+, sewing-men, 34/9.\n  +sowned+, rung (of a bell), 30/15.\n  +sperehaukes+, sparrow-hawks, 43/39.\n  +speres+, lances, 45/31.\n  +spete+, spit (for roasting), 31/21.\n  +spinster+, female spinner, 32/24;\n    +spynsters+, 2/15.\n  +sponne+, spun, 32/27.\n  +spores+, spurs, 25/40.\n  +spoylle+, 26/37 (see the Notes).\n  +sprotte+, sprat, 12/5.\n  +spycier+, grocer, 19/34;\n  +squyer+, squire, 45/25.\n  +stall+, stole, 36/6.\n  +stede+, steed, 45/30.\n  +Sterbrigge+, Stourbridge (fair), near Cambridge, 19/3.\n  +sterlyngis pens+, sterling pennies, 17/35;\n    _a pound sterlings_, 51/22.\n  +stewed+, heated with hot-air baths, 42/30.\n  +stewes+:\n    see +styewe+.\n  +steyres+, stairs, 14/32.\n  +stope+, quart measure, 7/18.\n  +stoppe+, mend (clothes), 34/14.\n  +stratch+, stretch, extend to, 3/26.\n  +strawe+, give straw to (horses), 49/35.\n  +surcote+, overcoat, 14/16.  [[error for 16/16]]\n  +suster+, sister, 6/8;\n  +swerde+, sword, 33/30.\n  +syth+, +sith+, since, seeing that, 17/4, 7;\n    +syth ... sith+, first ... and then, 25/18;\n    +syth that+, since, after, 32/16.\n  +syther+, cider, 14/18.\n  +taillour+, tailor, 34/1.\n  +take on honde+, = take in hand, 3/38.\n  +tapytes+, bed hangings, 6/37.\n  +taryeng+, tarrying, 14/25.\n  +tasses+, satchels, 21/32.\n  +tauerner+, tavern-keeper, 35/17.\n  +taweth+, tans, 46/13.\n  +tawyer+, tanner, 46/10;\n  +telle+, count, 17/17.\n  +temmesis+, sieves, 38/22.\n  +temporalite+, temporal concerns, 45/40.\n  +termes of the yere+, 2/12, 28/8.\n  +Terrewyne+, Terouenne, 23/20.\n  +tesyke+, phthisis, 41/40.\n  +that one ... that other+, the one, the other, 35/7.\n  +theder+, thither, 32/3.\n  +thornbake+, thornback (fish), 12/4.\n  +thourgh+, through, 8/26.\n  +thre kynges, day of+, Epiphany, 28/27.\n  +tofor+, +tofore+, before, 32/4, 38/7.\n  +togyder+, together, 33/1.\n  +tollar+, toll collector, 44/29.\n  +tonge+, pair of tongs, 8/9.\n  +tornoye+, tourney, 45/27.\n  +tour+, tower;\n  +tournemens+, tournaments, 25/1.\n  +trenchours+, trenchers, 7/32.\n  +treuet+, trivet, stand for a pot, 8/5.\n  +Treyer+, Treves, 23/10.\n  +triacle+, \u2018treacle,\u2019 antidote to poison, 11/31;\n    +triacle boxe+, 31/39.  [[error for 31/38]]\n  +triews+, truce, 29/38.\n  +trippes+, tripe, 26/27.\n  +tweyne+, two, 51/6.\n  +tyerse+, tierce (canonical hour), 27/35.  [[error for 27/25]]\n  +tylers+, tilers, 2/26.\n  +tymbre+, do the woodwork of, 40/3.\n  +tymbre wood+, wood for building, timber, 40/6.\n  +valure+, rank, dignity, 4/17.\n  +vannes+, winnowing baskets, \u2018fans,\u2019 38/20.\n  +verdures+, green herbs, 38/20.  [[correct line is 13/22]]\n  +verry+, true, 48/4.\n  +vessches+, vetches, 22/10.\n  +viage+, journey, 48/38.\n  +vnces+, ounces, 21/10.\n  +vpholster+, old clothes man, 34/13;\n    +vpholdsters+, 2/17.\n  +vsuriers+, usurers, 2/25.\n  +vylonye+, bad manners, rudeness, 29/1.\n  +wafres+, wafers, milk cakes, 12/40.\n  +wardeyns+, wardens (of a guild), 44/14.\n  +wastles+, cakes, 13/1.\n  +waye+, wey (wool weight), 19/12.\n  +weeshe+, wish, 46/39.\n    +wende+, thought, 11/10.\n  +werres+, wars, 25/3.\n  +weuar+, weaver, 31/39;\n  +weyeng+, weighing, 31/37.\n  +wherof+:\n    _if ye haue w._, if you can afford it, 7/14.\n  +whiler+, a while ago, 46/20; = Flemish _wilen eer_.\n  +whutche+, box, 8/20.\n  +whyte mete+, butter, cheese, eggs, &c. 1/12, 12/33.\n  +wo is me+, I am sorry for it, 46/8.\n  +wolde+:\n    _ye w. saye_, you mean, 30/17;\n  +woned+, accustomed, 34/21.\n  +worshippe+, _vb._, reverence (parents), 9/24.\n  +wortes+, potherbs, 14/2.\n  +wrastlyng+, wrestling, 33/5.\n  +wreton+, written, 25/13.\n  +wullen+, woollen, 14/29.\n  +wurte+ (renders F. _tercheul_, bran), 14/21.\n  +Wyllemyns+, Guillelmin friars, 24/3.\n  +wylough+, willow, 13/15.\n  +wyndowed+:\n  +wyn[n]e+, win, earn, 46/47.  [[error for 47/1]]\n  +wyneman+, wine maker, 46/37.\n  +y-asured+, azure-tinted, 14/36.\n  +yelde+, render (accounts), 37/1.\n  +yeres minde+, anniversary, 25/32.\n    see +enke hornes+.\n  +youris+, yours, your family, 5/20.\n  +ypocras+, a medicated wine, 14/12.\n  +ysope+, hyssop, 13/33.\nNAMES OF PEOPLE, PLACES, &c.\n(_A few are also given in the List of English Words, pp._ 53-60. --F.)\n  Abraham, 25/37.\n  Agace, 28/10, Agatha.  [[error for 28/11]]\n  Alarde, 26/7.\n  Albright, 29/28, Albert.\n  Alemayne, 14/17; 22/27, Germany.\n  Alfranke, 34/38, Lanfranc?\n  All Hallows\u2019 Day, 28/18.\n  Amelbergh, 29/21.\n  Amyas, 30/10, Amiens.\n  Anastase, 29/2.\n  Andwerp, 18/37; 19/1, Antwerp.\n  Antonye, 27/15.\n  Appolyn, 28/35, a man\u2019s name.\n  Aprille, 27/40.\n  Ardane, 43/38, Ardennes.\n  Arnold, 27/5.\n  Arnold of Noirs, 24/33.\n  Arondel, 24/21.\n  Ascension Day, 28/16.  [[error for 28/14]]\n  Aspremond, 24/35.\n  Austria, 24/20.\n  Austyns, 24/5, Augustinian friars.\n  Auynyon, 22/20; 45/21, Avignon.\n  Barnabe, 31/3.\n  Bartilmews faire (Smithfield), 19/8.  [[error for 19/5]]\n  Baudewyn, 30/1, Baldwin.\n  Beane, 14/5, Beaune.\n  Beatrice, the laundress, 31/26.\n  Beaumound, 24/30.\n  Beme, 22/38, Bohemia.\n  Benet, the churl, 30/8.\n  Bernard, 30/15.\n  Berow, 19/2; 24/31, Bergues.\n  Bertilmewe, 30/27, Bartholomew.\n  Bertram, 30/36.\n  Biauuays, 23/17, Beauvais.\n  Boloyne, 24/27; 49/4; 50/14, Boulogne, close to Paris.\n  Boniface, 30/22.\n  Bousser, 24/31, Bourchier.\n  Brabanders, 43/3.\n  Bretaigne, 24/16, Brittany.\n  Bristow, 18/27, Bristol.\n  Bruges, 43/22; Brugges, 18/29, Bruges.\n  Brussels, 18/36.\n  Burgoyne, 24/19, Burgundy.\n  Bussin, the hangman of Bruges, 43/21.\n  Cambrigge, 19/8, Cambridge.\n  Camerik, 23/19, Cambray.\n  Candlemas Day, 28/22, Feb. 12.\n  Catherine, the kempster, 32/18.\n  Cathon, 9/27, Dionysius Cato.\n  Caunterbury, 23/6.\n  Cecile, 22/36, Sicily.\n  Cecile, the spinster, 32/24, Cecilia.\n  Chalons, 19/7.\n  Charles of France, 30/1.\n  Charter House, 24/4.\n  Chestre, 23/13.\n  Christian, the collar-maker, 46/26.\n  Christine, the seduced, 46/30.\n  Christmas, 28/15.  [[error for 28/13]]\n  Cistiauls, 23/37, Cistercians.\n  Clare, the blind, 33/6.\n  Clarice, the nopster, 33/12.\n  Clemence, 32/39.\n  Clement, 32/39.\n  Clermonde, 24/26, Clermont.\n  Colard, the goldsmith, 31/33; the fuller, 32/9.\n  Coleyne, 23/8, Cologne.\n  Colombe, 32/32.\n  Comynes, 18/32.\n  Conrad, the shearman, 32/13.\n  Coventry, procession of, 28/32.\n  Cyprian, the weaver, 31/39.\n  Damian, the armourer, 33/32.\n  David, the bridle-maker, 33/21.\n  Dendremonde, 18/34.\n  Denis, the furbisher, 33/26.\n  Denmarke, 23/1.\n  Dixmuthe, 18/31.\n  Donaas, the doublet-maker, 33/38.\n  Dornyk, 18/30, Tournay.\n  Easter, 26/12.  [[correct line is 28/13]]\n  Easterlings, 43/1.\n  Elias, the painter, 34/19.\n  Elzeter, 14/4; Aussy, Alsace.\n  Englishmen, 30/5; 43/3.\n  Englissh, 1/1.\n  Ermentin, the sick man, 34/35.\n  Eustace, the tailor, 34/1.\n  Everard, the upholster, 34/13.\n  Felice, the silkwoman, 36/20.\n  Ferraunt, the hosier, 35/40.\n  Feuerer, 27/39, February.\n  Fierin, the baker, 35/28.\n  Flemings, 43/4.\n  Forker, the cordwainer, 35/39.  [[error for 35/35]]\n  Francis, the draper, 35/9.\n  Frederick, the wine-crier, 35/23.\n  Fremyn, the taverner, 35/17, Firmin.\n  Frenchmen, 43/2.\n  Friseland, men of, 43/8.\n  Gabriel, the linen-weaver, 38/9.\n  Garnade, 14/8, Granada.\n  Gascoyne, 14/9, Gascony.\n  Gaunt, 18/29, Ghent.\n  Genoese, 43/6.\n  George, the bookseller, 38/31.\n  Gerard, the miller, 36/27.\n  Germole, 14/5.\n  Gertrude, Gilbert\u2019s sister, 39/14.\n  Gervase, the scrivener, 36/35.\n  Gervase, the smith, 39/10.\n  Gheldreland, 24/18, Guelderland.\n  Gherlin, the kettle-maker, 38/23.\n  Ghyselin, the basket-maker, 38/19.\n    [[i.e. English vocabulary entries for \u201cGod\u201d, pg. 55 col. 2]]\n  Gombert, the butcher, 37/31.\n  Guisebert, the bowmaker, 36/24.\n  Guy, the fishmonger, 37/40.\n  Guyan, 24/17, Guyenne.\n  Haesburgh, 29/28.\n  Harry, the painter, 39/23.\n  Henaud, 24/28, Hainault.\n  Heynewiers, 43/7, Hainaulters.\n  Hollanders, 43/7.\n  Holy Ghost, 51/38.\n  Isaac, the wineman, 46/37; the kettlemaker, 47/3.  [[error for 47/2]]\n  Janiuer, 27/39, January.\n  Jenewys, 43/6, Genoese.\n  Jennette, the maid, 50/5.\n  Jherusalem, 23/5.\n  John, the usurer, 38/28.  [[error for 39/28]]\n  Juyll, 28/2, July.\n  Juyn, 28/1, June.\n  Katherin, the kempster, 32/18.\n  Kylian, and his fellows, 39/35.\n  Lady, Our: her days in March (25) and Harvest (Aug. 15), 28/21, 25.\n  Lady, Our, of Boulogne, 49/4.\n  Lambert, the carpenter, 39/39.\n  Lamfroy, the tiler, 40/23.\n  Lancaster, 24/15.\n  Laurence, the mason, 40/8.\n  Lenard, the thatcher, 40/29.\n  Lewin, the brewer, 40/16.\n  Lincoln, 23/14.\n  Logier, the felt-maker, 40/37.\n  Lombards, 43/4.\n  Louayn, 18/37, Louvain.\n  Lucian, the glover, 40/40.\n  Lucy, the bastard, 41/8.\n  Luke, 23/18, Li\u00e8ge.\n  Lyon, the purse-maker, 41/1.  [[error for 41/4]]\n  Mabel, the tailoress, 42/10.\n  Marche, 27/40, March.\n  Margret, 10/7.\n  Martin, the grocer, 41/12.\n  Mary, Virgin, 48/17 (_see_ Lady.)\n  Mase, 12/18, the river Meuse.\n  Maud, the cap-maker, 42/17.\n  Maximian, the physician, 41/29.\n  Mence, 23/10, Mayence.\n  Montpelier, 43/40.\n  Morris, the surgeon, 41/20.\n  Naples, 23/4.\n  Natalia, the bathwoman, 42/27.\n  Nauerne, 22/37, Navarre.\n  New Year\u2019s Day, 28/26.\n  Nicholas, the mustard-maker, 42/21.\n  Novembre, 28/4.\n  Oberol, the innkeeper, 42/38.\n  Octobre, 28/3.\n  Ogier, the falconer, 43/36; the poulterer, 44/1.\n  Oliver, the broker, 42/34.\n  Onnour, keeper of the tower and prison, 43/9.\n  Oseye, 14/8, Osoye, Alsace.\n  Ostryche, 24/20, Austria.\n  Palm Sunday, 28/25.\n  Pardon of Sion, 28/33.\n  Paul, the cooper, 44/16.\n  Paulin, the corn-meter, 44/20.\n  Peter, the wool-beater, 44/5.\n  Philipote, the thieving maid, 36/5.\n  Pieryne, Peter\u2019s daughter, 44/26.\n  Poole, 22/39, Poland.\n  Poperyng, 18/33.\n  Portingale, 23/2, Portugal.\n  Portingalers, 43/5, Portuguese.\n  Poytevyns, 43/2, folk of Poitou.\n  Premonstrence, 23/40, Premonstratenses.\n  Procession-Days, 28/31-2.\n  Querine, the dice-maker, 44/37.\n  Quintine, the toll-taker, 44/29.\n  Randolf, the money-changer, 45/33.\n  Reyner, the squire, 45/25.\n  Reynes, 23/9, Reims.\n  Richard, the carter, 45/10.\n  Richard, the currier, 45/9.\n  Robert, the messenger, 45/1.\n  Roberte, the she-heckler, 45/5.\n  Roger, the sacristan, 45/20.\n  Roland, the handworker, 45/17.\n  Romeneye, 14/10, Roman\u00e9e (?).\n  Rynyssh, 14/4; 17/31, Rhenish.\n  Ryselle, 18/31, Lille.\n  Sacrament Day, 28/30.\n  Salesbury, 19/4, Salisbury.\n  Scotland, 23/3.\n  Septembre, 28/3.\n  Shrovetide, 28/24.\n  Skepyns, 43/29; Eschevins (_see_ 59/1).\n    [[i.e. English vocabulary entry \u201cskepyns (Flemish aldermen)\u201d,\n  Spaniards, 43/5.\n  St. Bartholomew\u2019s Fair, 19/5.\n  St. Benet, 24/2, St. Benedict.\n  St. Bernard, 23/38.\n  St. Christopher\u2019s Day, 28/20.\n  St. Kylian, 39/35.\n  St. Martin\u2019s Mass, 28/19.\n  St. Peter\u2019s Day, 28/16.\n  St. Remigius, 28/17.\n  Stephen, the glazier, 34/30.\n  Sterbrigge, 19/3, Stourbridge.\n  Terrewyn, 23/20, Touraine.\n  Three-Kings\u2019 Day, 28/27.\n  Thursday, 38/16.\n  Treyer, 23/10, Treves.\n  Trinity term, 28/15.\n  Valensynes, 18/35, Valenciennes.\n  Valerian, the tawyer, 46/10.\n  Vedast, the furrier, 46/19.\n  Walburge, the pilch-maker, 46/23.\n  Walram, the currier, 46/14.\n  Walter, the paternoster-maker, 46/1.\n  Westmestre, 19/9; 51/33, Westminster.\n  Whitefriars, 42/33.\n  Whitsuntide, 28/16.\n  William, the brushmaker, 46/5.  [[error for 46/6]]\n  Winchester, 23/12.\n  Wyllemyns, 24/3, Guillelmins, friars.\n  Xpristian, Xpristine, 46/26, 30, Christian, Christine.\n  Ypre, 18/30, Ypres.\n  Ysaac, the wyneman, 46/37; the kettlemaker, 47/3.  [[error for 47/2]]\n  Ysores, the joiner, 46/34.\n  Zachary, the proctor, 47/9.\nLIST OF FRENCH WORDS\n(_For the modern meanings of Caxton\u2019s englishings, see the \u2018List of\nEnglish Words,\u2019 pp._ 53-60 _above_.)\n  +abbes+, 2/4, abbotes.\n  +abuures+, 49/36, watred.\n  +accidens+, 38/40, accidents.\n  +acertes+, 16/1, certainly.\n  +achates+, 10/9, bye.\n  +acheuee+, 38/15, ended.\n  +achier+, 21/22, steell.\n  +acompaignie+, 45/27, acompanyed,\n  +acompter+, 3/7, rekene.\n  +acquite+, 37/29, acquite.\n  +a+ dieu, 49/2, to god.\n  +aduiegne+, 36/18, come.\n  +aduises+, 48/11, aduised.\n  +affiert+, 4/8, behoueth.\n  +afourceurs+, 43/14, rauisshers.\n  +ahanne+, 45/12, ered.\n  +ahontier+, 37/14, shame.\n  +aigles+, 11/24, eygles.\n  +ailleurs+, 3/30, somwhere els.\n  +ainchois+, 26/2, er;\n  +ainsi+, 5/23, thus.\n  +aisies+, 49/19, easyd (_see_ aysies).\n  +ale fois+, 18/22, othir while.\n  +alesnes+, 21/34, alles.\n  +aloses+, 12/7, alouses.\n  +alouwes+, 11/2, larkes.\n  +aloyeres+, 21/32, pawteners.\n  +alumes+, 50/5, lyghte.\n  +amaine+, 25/25, bryng.\n  +amandes+, 13/9, almandes.\n  +amenra+, 40/10, shal brynge.\n  +ameroie mieulx+, 15/37, had I leuer.\n  +amye+, 4/35, frende;\n  +angeles+, 48/20, angelis.\n  +anguilles+, 12/12, eelis.\n  +anijs+, 20/3, anyse.\n  +annettes+, 10/38, doukes.\n  +annyuersaire+, 25/32, yeres mynde.\n  +anthan+, 32/5, foryere.\n  +aoust+, 28/23, heruest.\n  +apostles+, 48/18, apostles,\n  +apostumes+, 41/23, apostomes.\n  +apotecaires+, 1/22, apotecaries.\n  +apparaillies+, 4/15, redy.\n  +appelle+, 16/34, called.\n  +appertient+, 8/6, belongeth.\n  +appiert+, 37/34, appereth.\n  +apportes+, 29/32, brynge.\n  +aprendre+, 1/4, lerne.\n  +apres+, 11/33, herafter.\n  +aprise+, 29/16, taught.\n  +Apuril+, 27/40, April.\n  +arblastriers+, 36/26, arblastrers.\n  +arbres+, 13/10, trees.\n  +arceniers+, 2/20, boumakers.\n  +archangeles+, 48/20, archangelis.\n  +archeuesques+, 2/4, archebisshops.\n  +arde+, 30/26, (that it) brenne.\n  +argent+, 18/12, siluer.\n  +armoyer+, 33/32, armorer.\n  +arrester+, 26/8, tarieng.\n  +artetique+, 42/7, goute.\n  +asnes+, 11/20, asses.\n  +assaye+, 26/18, assayed.\n  +assemble+, 39/32, gadred to gedyr.\n  +asseoir+, 8/5, to sette.\n  +asses+, 29/20, ynough.\n  +asuret+, 14/36, y-asured.\n  +attendre+, 14/25, taryeng.\n  +aual+, 1/8, langyng;\n  +auantage+, 46/11, auantage.\n  +auaynne+, 22/10, otes.\n  +aucteur+, 3/33, auctour.\n  +aucunes+, 48/35, ony.\n  +auenture+, 29/10, auenture.\n  +aueugle+, 33/6, blynde.\n  +auiourdhuy+, 32/7, this day.\n  +aulmosne+, 33/8, almesse.\n  +aulnes+, 16/21, elles.\n  +aultrement+, 37/24, othirwyse.\n  +aultres+, 9/6, othir.\n  +aulx+, 8/25, garlyk.\n  +aunte+, 6/3, aunte.\n  +aurain+, 32/19, right now (_see_ orains).\n  +auwes+, 10/38, ghees.\n  +aysies+, 48/31, at his ease (_see_ aisies).\n  +bachinnet+, 33/34, bacenet.\n  +bachins+, 7/8, basyns.\n  +bachon+, 10/23, bacon.\n  +baillies+, 17/13, gyue.\n  +bailly+, 30/10, baylly.\n  +balainnes+, 12/2, whales.\n  +ballances+, 21/11, balances.\n  +balles+, 20/36, bales.\n  +bancs+, 7/4, benches.\n  +banerets+, 24/33, banerett.\n  +bankers+, 7/1, bankers.\n  +banny+, 43/34, banysshed.\n  +barbier+, 47/12, barbour.\n  +bargaigne+, 10/24, chepe (_see_ bergaignier).\n  +baron+, 46/25, husbonde.\n  +barons+, 2/8, barons.\n  +basenne+, 19/26, basenne.\n  +basse+, 6/31, lowe.\n  +bastard+, 14/7, bastard.\n  +bastarde+, 41/8, bastarde.\n  +bateiller+, 35/6, fighten.\n  +bateure+, 44/5, betar.\n  +batteries+, 38/26, baterye.\n  +baysier+, 32/35, kyssed.\n  +becques+, 12/13, pikes.\n  +becquets+, 12/13, pikerellis.\n  +beestes+, 1/9, bestis.\n  +beghines+, 24/11, beghyns.\n  +belfroy+, 40/24, steple.\n  +belle+, 29/18, faire.\n  +berchie+, 33/17, rocked.\n  +bergaignier+, 14/28, bergayne (_see_ bargaigne).\n  +besoing est+, 6/22, it be to doo.\n  +besongnes+, 6/18, thinges.\n  +betes+, 13/32, betes.\n  +beuurages+, 1/17, drynkes.\n  +beuuries+, 27/9, (ye) shall drynke.\n    _b. sire_, 18/3, fair sire.\n  +biaucop+, 36/9, many.\n  +biens+, 29/20, goodes.\n  +bisse+, 10/27, hyndecalf.\n  +blances+, 13/18, white.\n  +bogars+ (_? for_ +begars+), 24/6, lewd freris.\n  +boire+, 28/35, ete (_instead of_ drynke).\n  +boit on+, 14/22, drynke me.\n  +bonnes+, 52/3, good.\n  +borages+, 13/37, borage.\n  +bordures+, 22/5, broythures.\n  +boucerie+, 37/32, bocherie.\n  +bouche+, 29/39, mouth.\n  +bouchiers+, 2/21, bochiers.\n  +boucle+, 21/28, bocle.\n  +boulengiers+, 2/19, bakers.\n  +boulie+, 14/19, boulye.\n  +bouly+, 12/35, soden.\n  +bouriaulx+, 43/22, hangman.\n  +bourre+, 6/36, flockes.\n  +boursiers+, 2/28, pursers.\n  +boursses+, 21/29, purses.\n  +bousiaux+, 25/39, bootes.\n  +bouter+, 37/37, to put.\n  +boutoirs+, 10/40, butores.\n  +boysteuse+, 32/32, halting.\n  +braieul+, 8/38, pauntcher.\n  +brandeurs+, 8/8, andyrons.\n  +brasse+, 40/17, breweth.\n  +brasseur+, 40/16, brewar.\n  +brayes+, 8/37, briches.\n  +brebys+, 12/29, sheep.\n  +bresmes+, 12/7, bremes.\n  +breuiares+, 39/8, portoses.\n  +brezil+, 20/18, brasyll.\n  +briefment+, 3/16, shortly.\n  +browet+, 10/20, browet.\n  +brun+, 20/1, broun.\n  +bryef+, 4/25, _le plus b._, the shortest.\n    +buera+, 31/28, shall wassh.\n  +burchmaistre+, 44/13, bourghmaistre.\n  +bure+, 9/5, butter.\n  +buuerons+, 26/26, shall we drynke.\n  +buuraiges+, 14/3, drynkes.\n  +buuray ie+, 28/37, shall I drynke.\n  +cabellau+, 12/3, coddelyng.\n  +calys+, 7/2, chalon.\n  +cammelle+, 20/2, cammelle.\n  +caniuet+, 47/23, penknyf.\n  +cannes+, 7/10, cannes.\n  +cardinaulz+, 2/3, cardinals.\n  +cardons+, 13/28, thistles.\n  +carmes+, 24/5, white freris.\n  +carpres+, 12/12, carpes.\n  +Cathon+, 9/27, Cathon.\n  +catons+, 38/38, catons.\n  +cattel+, 15/12, catell.\n  +catz+, 11/19, cattes.\n  +caulx+, 40/14, chalke.\n  +ce que+, 1/4, that which.\n  +celee+, 37/9, secrete.\n  +celuy+, 5/9, hym.\n  +censes+, 37/5, fermes.\n  +cerenceresse+, 45/5, heklester.\n  +cerench+, 45/7, hekell.\n  +certainement+, 5/16, certaynely.\n  +certes+, 16/5, certaynly.\n  +cesse+, 34/7, resteth.\n  +cestui+, 3/29, this.\n    de cha, 44/28, on this side.\n  +chaiers+, 7/4, chayers.\n  +chainture+, 31/35, gyrdle.\n  +chambre+, 31/32, chambre.\n  +chandelliere+, 47/6, candelmaker.\n  +chandeloer+, 28/22, candlemasse.\n  +chandeylles+, 47/7, candellis.\n  +change+, 45/34, change.\n  +changiers+, 2/33, chaungers.\n  +channeue+, 45/6, hempe (_see_ chenneue).\n  +channonnes+, 23/30, chanons.\n  +chapelrie+, 45/23, fre chapell.\n  +chapitle+, 15/4, chapitre.\n  +chappelains+, 24/7, chappelains.\n  +chappon+, 10/33, capon.\n  +chappron+, 4/18, hood.\n  +chareton+, 45/10, cartar.\n  +charge+, 48/6, charge.\n  +charpentier+, 40/3, to tymbre.\n  +charpentiers+, 2/27, carpenters.\n  +chars+, 1/9, flessh.\n  +chartres+, 36/36, chartres.\n  +chartreurs+, 24/4, monkes of chartre hous.\n  +chastel+, 40/1, castell.\n  +chastelain+, 24/29, castelayn.\n  +chastoyes+, 9/32, chastyse.\n  +chaude+, 50/8, hoot.\n  +chaudel+, 14/1, caudell.\n  +chaudiers+, 7/7, ketellis.\n  +chaudrelier+, 38/23, ketelmaker.\n  +chaudrens+, 7/6, kawdrons.\n  +chauetiers+, 2/28, cobelers.\n  +chauist+, 42/11, cheuissheth.\n  +chault+, 27/18, reccheth.\n  +chault+, 27/4, hete.\n  +chausies+, 25/39, do on.\n  +chausser+, 35/40, hosyer.\n  +chemises+, 8/37, chertes.\n  +chemyn+, 26/4, way.\n  +chenneue+, 20/13, hempseed (_see_ channeue).\n  +cheoir+, 25/11, falle.\n  +cherfeul+, 13/32, cheruyll.\n  +cherises+, 13/5, cheryes.\n  +cherisier+, 13/11, cherye tree.\n  +cherront+, 25/11, shalle fall.\n  +chescun+, 1/7, euery ... othir.\n  +chesne+, 13/13, ooke.\n  +cheual+, 25/26, hors.\n  +cheualiers+, 2/8, knyghtes.\n  +cheuaucheray+, 25/29, (I) shall ryde.\n  +chielliers+, 6/30, selers.\n  +chien+, 41/3, hound.\n  +chieuerel+, 10/23, gheet.\n  +chincque+, 17/25, fiue.\n  +chose+, 5/6, thyng.\n  +chucre+, 20/1, sugre.\n  +chuynes+, 11/3, storkes.\n  +chyens+, 49/25, here withinne.\n  +cierf+, 41/2, herte.\n  +cignes+, 11/3, swannes (_see_ signes).\n  +cirurgiens+, 25/9, surgyens.\n  +clarey+, 14/12, clarey.\n  +claux+, 41/22, soores.\n  +clercq+, 23/33, clerke.\n  +clere+, 34/40, clere.\n  +clergesses+, 24/11, clergesses.\n  +clocque+, 30/15, belle.\n  +clocques+, 8/31, clokes.\n  +clocquiers+, 49/15, steples.\n  +coffyns+, 21/33, coffyns.\n  +cognoissaunce+, 4/13, knowelech.\n  +cognossies+, 4/12, knowe.\n  +combien+, 16/13, how moche.\n  +commandement+, 9/26, commaundement.\n  +commandes+, 5/8, commaunde.\n  +commence+, 1/1, begynneth.\n  +comment+, 1/7, how.\n  +commin+, 19/40, comyne.\n  +compaignon+, 4/35, felawe.\n  +companye+, 26/5, companye.\n  +compenaiges+, 1/13, whyte mete.\n  +complye+, 27/30, complyne.\n  +comprinses+, 3/35, comprised.\n  +comptez+, 17/17, telle.\n  +conclure+, 25/20, conclude.\n  +conduyse+, 5/24, conduyte.\n  +confections+, 20/4, confections.\n  +confesseray+, 16/30, shriue.\n  +confesseur+, 48/6, confessour.\n  +confite+, 13/19, confyte.\n  +congie+, 5/22, leue.\n  +congres+, 12/8, congres.\n  +conins+, 9/2, conyes.\n  +connestable+, 24/34, conestable.\n  +conseil+, 9/27, counseill.\n  +contenant+, 47/4, conteynyng.\n  +content+, 16/39, content.\n  +contesse+, 24/39, countesse.\n  +contre+, 31/31, ayenst.\n  +contre+, 49/13, contre.\n  +conuient+, 6/30, behoueth.\n  +copee+, 36/15, cutte.\n  +copies+, 36/39, copies.\n  +corbelliers+, 2/24, maundemakers.\n  +corbilles+, 38/21, mandes.\n  +cordewan+, 19/24, cordewan.\n  +cordewaniers+, 2/19, shoomakers.\n  +cornes+, 46/5, hornes.\n  +cornets a encre+, 21/35, enke hornes.\n  +coroucies+, 31/6, angre.\n  +coroyes+, 21/26, gyrdellis.\n  +cosynes+, 6/4, nieces.\n  +cosyns+, 6/4, cosyns.\n  +cottes+, 8/32, cotes.\n  +couchier+, 50/2, to slepe.\n  +couleur+, 34/26, colour.\n  +coulles+, 13/30, cool.\n  +coulons+, 10/39, dowues.\n  +coultiers+, 2/30, brokers.\n  +countes+, 2/7, erles.\n  +coupes+, 8/17, couppes.\n  +courans+, 44/19, lekyng.\n  +coure+, 46/17, coryeth.\n  +courechiefs+, 42/14, keuerchifs.\n  +couretage+, 42/35, brocorage.\n  +couretier+, 42/34, brocour.\n  +coureur+, 46/14, coryer.\n  +court+, 40/2, court.\n  +courtil+, 45/13, herber.\n  +courtoyses+, 5/12, courtoys.\n  +courtoysie+, 18/16, courtosye.\n  +cousin+, 30/1, cosin.\n  +coussins+, 50/10, quysshons.\n  +couste+, 31/10, coste.\n  +coustre+, 45/20, sextayn.\n  +coustriers+, 34/9, sowers.\n  +coustures+, 42/20, semes.\n  +cousturiers+, 2/29, shepsters.\n  +cousues+, 36/2, sewed.\n  +coutieaulx+, 8/11, knyues.\n  +couuercles+, 7/35, couercles.\n  +couuertoyrs+, 6/40, couerlettes.\n  +couuerture+, 47/17, coueryng.\n  +couureurs de tieulles & destrain+, 2/26, tylers and thatchers.\n  +couurir+, 6/39, couere.\n  +coyfes+, 21/38, coyfes.\n  +craisme+, 12/38, kreme.\n  +crappes+, 46/39, grapes.\n  +cras+, 44/3, fatte.\n  +crasseries+, 1/25, coriars.\n  +creuiches+, 12/15, creuyches.\n  +creusse+, 16/33, trusted.\n  +crieres+, 35/23, criar.\n  +cristal+, 46/3, cristall.\n  +croire+, 35/20, _a c._, to borowe.\n  +croix+, 15/40, crosse.\n  +croys+, 15/26, (I) bileue.\n  +cubelles+, 19/39, cubibes.\n  +cuide+, 11/10, wende (_should be_ wene).\n  +cuir+, 7/27, lether.\n  +cuit+, 14/11, soden, boiled.\n  +curats+, 24/7, curattes.\n  +cure+, 11/17, _ont c._, recche.\n  +cures+, 51/39, hertes.\n  +cuueliers+, 2/31, coupers.\n  +cuues+, 44/17, keupis.\n  +cuyrs+, 1/21, hydes.\n  +dades+, 13/9, dates.\n  +damoysellys+, 4/19, damoyselles.\n  +dampnes+, 45/37, dampned.\n  +dangereux+, 32/12, dangerous.\n  +debonnair+, 9/39, buxom.\n  +deboute+, 16/26, ende.\n  +debtes+, 36/38, dettes.\n  +debuoit+, 44/32, ought.\n  +declaire+, 3/29, declared.\n  +dedens+, 7/3, therin.\n  +dedicacion+, 19/7, chirchehalyday.\n  +dedicasse+, 46/2, dedicacion.\n  +deduit+, 29/12, byledyng.\n  +deffendu+, 44/8, forboden.\n  +degretz+, 14/32, steyres.\n  +demain+, 32/2, to morow.\n  +demande+, 15/36, axed.\n  +demeure+, 22/20, duelleth.\n  +dencoste+, 37/32, beside.\n  +deniers+, 3/8, pens.\n  +denrees+, 18/1, peny worthes;\n  +departes+, 26/2, departe.\n  +deportes+, 9/25, forbere.\n  +deriere+, 42/33, after.\n  +derrain+, 18/19, last.\n  +descouuert+, 40/28, discouerid.\n  +deseruyr+, 5/15, deserue.\n  +deshaities+, 35/13, (them) that be not hole.\n  +desirees+, 45/35, desired.\n  +desiunes+, 26/1, _vos d._, breke your fast.\n  +despites+, 10/4, despyse.\n  +dessoubs+, 7/2, under.\n  +dessus+, 38/7, to-fore.\n  +destaindera+, 34/28, shall stayne.\n  +destrier+, 45/30, stede.\n  +desvestues+, 8/39, vnclothed.\n  +detenray+, 16/31, with-holde.\n  +detier+, 44/37, dysemaker.\n  +deuant+, 18/13, tofore.\n  +deuantdittes+, 7/39, forsaid.\n  +deuenir+, 4/5, to become.\n  +deuiser+, 14/27, deuise.\n  +dextre+, 49/8, right.\n  +dictes+, 26/14, saye.\n  +digerer+, 11/7, dygeste.\n  +diligement+, 4/6, diligently.\n  +diuerses+, 25/16, diuerse.\n  +doctrinaulx+, 38/38, doctrinals.\n  +doctrine+, 1/2, lernynge.\n    40/3, oughteth.\n  +doinst+, 4/32, gyue.\n  +doleurs+, 41/34, payne.\n  +dommage+, 34/25, harme.\n  +donats+, 38/40, donettis.\n  +donroye+, 15/24, (I) wold yeue.\n  +dont+, 11/17, wherof.\n  +doresenauant+, 25/15, fro hens forth.\n  +dormier+, 27/20, slepyng.\n  +doulce+, 38/5, fressh.\n  +dousaines+, 46/4, doseyns.\n  +doyens+, 23/26, denes.\n  +drappiers+, 2/18, drapers.\n  +draps+, 14/34, clothes.\n  +drechies+, 31/23, dresse.\n  +dresce+, 26/38, dresse.\n  +droit+, 15/20, right.\n  +ducesse+, 24/39, duchesse.\n  +ducs+, 2/7, dukes.\n  +eauwe+, 38/5, water.\n  +eglise+, 22/15, chirche.\n  +eguilles+, 21/31, nedles.\n  +electuaires+, 20/8, electuaries.\n  +emble+, 8/22, stolen.\n  +embrief+, 15/8, in shorte.\n  +empereur+, 22/23, emperour.\n  +empetrer+, 45/22, to gete.\n  +emplist+, 20/26, fyllyd.\n  +emploier+, 20/20, bystowe.\n  +employer+, 50/20, fulcome.\n  +emporter+, 18/8, bere.\n    20/34, therwyth.\n  +encordont+, 40/27, neuertheles.\n  +encountres+, 4/11, mete.\n  +encre+, 39/5, ynke.\n  +endementiers+, 14/26, whiles.\n  +enfans+, 5/32, children.\n  +engaignies+, 5/18, deceyued.\n  +engloys+, 3/16, englyssh.\n  +enluminees+, 39/1, enlumined.\n  +enprintees+, 38/36, enprinted.\n  +ensamble+, 29/20, to gedyr.\n  +entendes+, 9/11, understande.\n  +entier+, 15/7, hole.\n  +entour+, 45/16, aboute.\n  +entre+, 30/5, bitwene.\n  +entremayns+, 18/7, under hande.\n  +entremelle+, 20/40, entremete.\n  +entrepers+, 14/38, sad blew.\n  +entreprendre+, 3/38, entreprise.\n  +enuers+, 9/40, vnto.\n  +envoyes+, 9/36, sende.\n  +enuys+, 33/10, not gladly.\n  +esbourier+, 33/15, to noppe.\n  +esbourysse+, 33/12, nopster.\n  +escarlate+, 15/1, scarlet.\n  +eschappent+, 43/33, escape.\n  +escheuins+, 43/29, skepyns.\n  +esclefins+, 12/3, haddoks.\n  +esclire+, 50/21, lyghtneth.\n  +escochoys+, 30/6, scottes.\n  +escouffles+, 11/26, kytes.\n  +escoutes+, 50/21, herke.\n  +escoutetes+, 43/28, scoutes.\n  +escrijn+, 8/20, cheste.\n  +escrips+, 25/13, wreton.\n  +escript+, 3/25, writing.\n  +escriptoires+, 21/33, penners.\n  +escripuains+, 2/20, skriueners.\n  +escu+, 39/24, shelde.\n  +escures+, 31/30, skowre.\n  +escutz+, 17/32, scutes.\n  +escuyelles+, 7/31, disshes.\n  +escuyers+, 2/8, squyers.\n  +esparlens+, 12/5, sprotte.\n  +espaude+, 31/20, sholdre.\n  +especiers+, 2/29, spycers.\n  +espee+, 33/27, swerd.\n  +espengles+, 21/31, pynnes.\n  +esperite+, 3/19, ghoost.\n  +esperons+, 25/40, spores.\n  +espices+, 14/13, spices.\n  +espinces+, 13/37, spynache.\n  +espinier+, 13/15, thorne.\n  +espoye+, 31/21, spete.\n  +espreuiers+, 11/25, sperhawkes.\n  +esquiekeliet+, 14/39, chekeryd.\n  +estain+, 21/22, tynne.\n  +estaulx+, 26/35, trestles.\n  +estenelle+, 8/9, tonge, pair of tongs.\n  +estoet+, 43/12, _mestoet_, standeth me (_a mistranslation_).\n    [[correct line is 6/16]]\n  +estoupper+, 34/14, stoppe.\n  +estrain+, 7/3, strawe.\n  +estraines+ (verb), 49/35, strawe.\n  +estrangiers+, 42/31, strangers.\n  +estrelins+, 17/35, sterlingis.\n  +esturgeon+, 12/7, sturgeon.\n  +estuuer+, 42/31, to be stewed.  [[error for 42/30]]\n  +estuues+, 42/27, stewes.\n  +eternalite+, 45/39, eternalite.\n  +euangelistes+, 48/19, euangelistes.\n  +euesques+, 2/3, bisshops.\n  +eur+, 29/22, happe, fortune, luck.\n  +euure+, 30/16, werke.\n  +excusera+, 37/28, shall excuse.\n  +faictes+, 4/37, do.\n  +failloit+, 18/4, failled.\n  +farine+, 36/30, mele.\n  +fauconner+, 43/36, fauconer.\n  +faucons+, 11/25, faucons.\n  +fault+, 38/13, lacketh.\n  +faulte+, 37/24, faulte.\n  +faulx monnoyers+, 43/13, false money makers.\n  +feest+, 38/24, fayre.\n  +femmes+, 2/9, wymmen.\n  +fenestres+, 40/13, wyndowes.\n  +feneulle+, 13/36, fenell.\n  +feroit+, 5/10, doo.\n  +ferres+, 25/33, shoed.\n  +feues+, 13/39, benes.\n  +feultier+, 40/37, feltmaker.\n  +feultre+, 40/39, felte.\n  +feure+, 39/10, smyth.\n  +fieures+, 42/2, fever.\n  +figes+, 13/8, fyggis.\n  +figier+, 13/12, fygtree.\n  +filee+, 32/27, sponne (_the verb_).\n  +fileresses+, 2/15, spynsters.\n  +fillaistre+, 32/39, stepdoughter.\n  +filles+, 5/34, doughtres (_see_ fylle).\n  +filleule+, 44/26, _mistranslated_ doughter.\n  +filz+, 3/18, soone (_see_ fyltz).\n  +finent+, 6/14, enden.\n  +fist prendre+, 36/12, toke.\n  +flairans+, 13/17, smellyng.\n  +flans+, 12/34, flawnes.\n  +fleur+, 20/2, flour.\n  +fleurdelyts+, 13/20, lelyes.\n  +florins+, 17/31, guldrens.\n  +foire+, 19/8, faire.\n  +folye+, 45/38, folye.\n  +fontaine+, 14/22, welle watre.\n  +forcettes+, 47/23, sheris.\n  +forches+, 21/36, sheres.\n  +forchier+, 8/21;\n    forcier, 46/35, forcier, forcer.\n  +forgierel+, 36/7, forcyer.\n  +formes+, 51/34, fourmes.\n  +fors+, 9/20, othirwyse;\n    fors que, 49/30, but.\n  +fouines+, 11/18, fichews.\n  +fouler+, 32/10, fulle.\n  +foulons+, 2/14, fullers.\n  +fourbier+, 33/31, furbysshe.\n  +fourbisseur+, 33/26, fourbysshour.\n  +fourdines+, 13/5, sloes.\n  +fourmage+, 9/4, chese.\n  +fourment+, 22/8, white.\n  +fourrures+, 8/33, furres.\n  +fouys+, 45/14, doluen.\n  +frain+, 25/28, brydle.\n  +franchin+, 47/17, franchyn.\n  +franchise+, 32/17, franchise.\n  +fransoys+, 3/16, frenssh.\n  +fremauls+, 39/2, claspes.\n  +fremme+, 50/12, shette.\n  +freres mineurs+, 24/3, frere menours.\n  +frescz+, 12/8, fressh.\n  +freses+, 13/6, strawberies.\n  +fresne+, 13/14, asshe.\n  +fromages+, 12/26, chese.\n  +frotte+, 35/2, rubbe.\n  +fustane+, 36/11, fustain.\n  +fylle+, 46/30, _mistranslated_ doughter (_see_ filles).\n  +fyltz+, 5/34, sones (_see_ filz).\n  +gaignier+, 15/13, wynne.\n  +gaires+, 27/35, moche.\n  +galentine+, 42/24, galentyne.\n  +galigan+, 19/38, galingale.\n  +galles+, 30/24, galles.\n  +galoches+, 35/39, galoches.\n  +gansailliede+, 42/26, ganselyn.\n  +garce+, 44/27, ghyrle.\n  +gardiens+, 23/27, wardeyns.\n  +gardins+, 13/25, gardyns.\n  +garnars+, 12/20, shrimpes.\n  +garnee+, 13/40, furmente.\n  +gaucquier+, 13/14, nokertree.\n  +gaufres+, 12/40, wafres.\n  +gaune+, 14/37, yelow.\n  +gaunisse+, 42/3, jaundyse.\n  +gauns+, 33/37, gloues.\n  +gauntiers+, 2/24, glouers.\n  +gehy+, 43/24, knowlechid.\n  +gelines+, 11/4, hennes.\n  +gelouffre+, 13/35, geloffres.\n  +general+, 19/10, general.\n  +genise+, 10/19, hawgher.\n  +gens+, 9/40, folke.\n  +germains+, 6/5, germayns.\n  +gesir+, 6/35, to lye.\n  +gingembre+, 19/38, gynger.\n  +glorie+, 52/5, glorie.\n  +gloutee+, 33/20, lichorous.\n  +gorge+, 35/22, throte.\n  +gorgiere+, 33/36, gorgette.\n  +goriaulx+, 46/28, coliers.\n  +goriel+, 46/27, coler.\n  +gorliers+, 2/37, gorelmakers;\n    gorlier, 46/26, colermaker.\n  +gouttans+, 44/19, droppyng.\n  +gouuions+, 12/16, gogeorns.\n  +graffes+, 21/34, poyntels.\n  +graine+, 13/19, grayne.\n  +graine de paradis+, 20/3, graynes of paradys.\n  +graines+, 2/1, graynes.\n  +grange+, 40/2, berne.\n  +grauelle+, 41/28, grauelle.\n  +grauwet+, 8/10, flessh hoke.\n  +greigneur+, 22/25, grettest.\n  +greniers+, 6/28, garettis.\n  +gresille+, 50/22, haylleth.\n  +greueroit+, 11/6, shold greue.\n  +greyl+, 8/9, gredyron.\n  +griffons+, 11/24, griffons.\n  +gros+, 17/21, grotes.\n  +gros+, 46/4, _en g._, in grete.\n  +grouseillers+, 13/23, brembles.\n  +grouselles+, 13/23, bremble beries.\n  +gruwell+, 14/2, growell.\n  +guades+, 20/38, wood.\n  +guarance+, 20/38, mader.\n  +guarir+, 41/21, hele.\n  +guerres+, 25/3, werres.\n  +Guillemynes+, 24/3, Wyllemyns.\n  +gyste+, 49/18, loggyng.\n  +halle+, 14/30, halle.\n    hanaps, 8/15, cuppes.\n  +harpoit+, 20/22, rosyn.\n  +hastiuement+, 32/8, hastyly.\n  +haubergon+, 33/35, habergeon.\n    plus haulx, 22/17, hyest.\n  +hayes+, 13/21, hedges.\n  +herbegier+, 49/26, be logged.\n  +herbes+, 13/17 herbes.\n  +herencs+, 12/8, hering.\n  +herytables+, 37/4, heritable.\n  +heucque+, 16/18, hewke.\n      [_Huque_, f., a Huke or Dutch mantle, or Dutch woman\u2019s mantle.\n      --Cotgrave.]\n  +hier+, 32/4, yesterday.\n  +honnourablement+, 45/28, worshipfully.\n  +hostel+, 5/31, herberow.\n  +hosteliers+, 2/30, hosteliers.\n  +hostes+, 42/39, ghestes.\n  +huche+, 8/20, whutche.\n  +huchiers+, 2/37, joyners.\n  +hugiers+, 46/34, joynar.\n  +huues+, 42/19, huues.\n  +huuetier+, 42/17, huue or calle maker.\n  +huuettes+, 21/37, huues.\n  +huymais+, 30/28, this day.\n  +Jacopins+, 24/4, blac freris.\n  +iamais+, 27/34, neuer.\n  +ietter+, 40/22, to cast.\n  +ignourance+, 37/27, ignorance.\n  +innocens+, 48/25, innocentes.\n  +instrues+, 9/33, enforme.\n  +instrumens+, 36/37, instrumentis.\n  +inuocacion+, 1/5, callyng.\n  +Joefdy+, 38/16, Thursday.\n  +jofnes+, 9/35, yong.\n  +jougleurs+, 2/35, pleyers.\n  +joustemens+, 25/2, joustynges.\n  +joyaulx+, 8/21, jewellis.\n  +iuments+, 11/15, mares.\n  +iusques+, 27/29, vntil.\n  +iuste+, 47/40, rightfull.\n  +kalendiers+, 39/4, kalenders.\n  +keneule+, 32/27, dystaf.\n  +keut+, 42/20, soweth.\n  +keuure+, 35/3, couer.\n  +keuure+, 7/6, keuuer, 7/35, coppre.\n  +kieultes+, 6/38, quiltes.\n  +lachets+, 21/40, laces.\n  +laict+, 12/25, mylke.\n  +laigne+, 8/7, woode.\n  +laines+, 1/20, wulle.\n  +laires+, 15/30, (ye) shall leue.\n  +laisse+, 5/15, late.\n  +laissier+, 16/3, to leue.\n  +laittues+, 13/34, letews.\n  +lances+, 45/31, speres.\n  +languers+, 42/8, seknesses.\n  +lannieres+, 21/40, poyntes.\n  +largesse+, 16/23, brede.\n  +laronnes+, 43/12, theues.\n  +lasartz+, 11/28, lizarts.\n  +lasses+, 22/12, wery.\n  +lattes+, 40/32, latthes.\n  +laue+, 26/36, wasshe.\n  +lauendier+, 31/26, lauendre.\n  +lauoirs+, 7/8, lauours.\n  +legierment+, 35/22, lyghtly.\n  +lesons+, 7/5, lystes.\n  +lettres+, 30/7, lettres.\n  +leuain+, 14/20, leuayn.\n  +leuer+, 27/19, risyng.\n  +librarier+, 38/31, booke sellar.\n  +libraries+, 2/23, librariers.\n  +lieu+, 38/7, place.\n  +lieue+, 27/16, ariseth.\n  +lieures+, 9/2, hares.\n  +lieutenant+, 30/9, lieutenant.\n  +lieuwes+, 49/17, myle.\n  +ligne+, 31/28, lynnen.\n  +lignes+, 3/33, lynes.\n  +limoges+, 11/1, heth hennes.\n  +linchieux+, 8/23, shetes.\n  +lingnuyse+, 20/12, lynseed.\n  +lits+, 6/33, beddes.\n  +liurer+, 34/5, deliuere.\n  +liures+, 3/8, poundes.\n  +liuret+, 50/33, litell book.\n  +livre+, 3/21, book.\n  +loe+, 18/3, _ie me l._, I am well plesyd.\n  +loiaulte+, 36/19, trowthe.\n  +loijer+, 48/27, reward.\n  +longement+, 4/40, longe.\n  +loques+, 12/16, loches.\n  +lormiers+, 2/16, bridelmakers.\n  +lots+, +lotz+, 7/18, 20, stope, stopes.\n  +louche+, 8/4, ladle;\n    louches, 7/40, spones.\n  +loups+, 11/18, wulues.\n  +loyes+, 39/2, bounden.\n  +loysir+, 46/7, leyzer.\n  +lupars+, 11/19, lupardis.\n  +luysel+, 46/36, cheste, box.\n  +luytant+, 33/5, wrastlying.\n  +machon+, 40/8, masone.\n  +machonner+, 40/9, masone.\n  +madame+, 46/20, my lady.\n  +magre+, 44/4, lene.\n  +main+, 49/6, hande.\n  +mainouurier+, 45/17, handwerker.\n  +maintenant+, 9/12, right forth,\n  +maintenier+, 6/29, mayntene.\n  +maintes+, 18/24, many.\n  +maisement+, 11/12, euyll.\n  +maisnye+, 5/35, meyne, household.\n  +maistres+, 23/28, maisters.\n  +malade+, 34/35, seke.\n  +mal du chief+, 41/33, heed ache.\n  +malefaicteurs+, 43/23, euyll doers.\n  +mal es dens+, 41/36, toth ache.\n  +Maluesye+, 14/10, Malueseye.\n  +mamelles+, 41/37, pappes.\n  +maniere+, 4/22, manere.\n  +manteaulx+, 8/30, mantellis.\n  +maqueriaulx+, 12/6, makerell.\n  +marastre+, 33/3, stepmodre.\n  +marbre+, 40/12, marble.\n  +marchans+, 21/17, marchans.\n  +marchandyse+, 1/18, marchandise.\n  +marchiet+, 14/31, market.\n  +marcq+, 51/23, marcke.\n  +mareschal+, 30/2, mareshall.\n  +maries+, 9/15, maried.\n  +maronners+, 11/39, maroners.\n  +martirs+, 48/21, martris.\n  +mary+, 5/33, husbonde.\n  +masanges+, 10/37, meesen.\n  +matere+, 9/13, matere.\n  +matin+, 27/19, morning.\n  +mattines+, 27/17, matynes.\n  +mauldist+, 32/37, cursyd.\n  +maussons+, 10/37, sparowes.\n  +mauuais+, 40/20, euyll.\n  +mayll+, 17/10, halfpeny.\n  +mayns+, 4/21, handis.\n  +mayson+, 1/8, house.\n  +maysoncelle+, 40/30, litell hous.\n  +medicine+, 20/8, medicines.\n  +meffais+, 39/20, trespaces.\n  +meillour+, 26/13, beste.\n  +meistrise+, 43/27, maystrye.\n  +membres+, 27/4, membres.\n  +menacha+, 36/16, thretened.\n  +menage+, 31/11, houshold.\n  +mengier+, 31/27, diner.\n  +menison+, 41/39, blody flyxe.\n  +menra+, 45/11, shall lede.\n  +mente+, 13/19, mynte.\n  +merceries+, 1/28, merceryes.\n  +merchies+, 34/32, thanke.\n  +merchis+, 18/11, _tres grand m._, right grete gramercy.\n  +mercy+, 48/1, mercy.\n  +merites+, 39/36, deseruynges.\n  +merlens+, 12/5, whityng.\n  +mermeil+, 14/14, rede (wyn).\n  +merueille+, 32/31, meruaylle.\n  +meschyne+, 28/5, maid.\n  +mesle+, 41/21, medleth.\n  +mesmes+, 30/35, our self.\n  +mesmes+, 40/7, hym selfe.\n  +messagier+, 45/1, messager.\n  +messe+, 48/29, masse.\n  +messureur+, 16/34, metar.\n  +mestelon+, 44/22, mestelyn.\n  +mestier+, 16/15, need.\n  +mestiers+, 2/10, craftes.\n  +mestrijer+, 43/25, mastrye.\n  +mesure+, 40/15, moten.\n  +mesures+, 7/24, mesures.\n  +metauls+, 1/27, metals.\n  +mettes+, 8/19, set.\n  +meubles+, 1/8, catayllys.\n  +meurs+, 9/34, maners.\n  +mieuldre+, 36/32, grynde.\n  +mieulx+, 10/17, better.\n  +mire+, 5/14, reward.\n  +misericors+, 47/39, mercyfull.\n  +mites+, 32/15, mytes.\n  +moins+, 48/31, leste.\n  +moisnes+, 24/1, monkes.\n  +monde+, 22/26, world.\n  +monnoye+, 17/18, moneye.\n  +monnoyers+, 2/34, myntemakers.\n  +montant+, 51/21, mountyng.\n  +monte+, 17/11, cometh it to.\n  +montes+, 14/32, goo vpon.\n  +moret+, 14/38, morreey.\n  +mormal+, 41/40, mormale.\n  +moroit+, 11/32, shall deye.\n  +morse+, 11/30, byten.\n  +mortier+, 8/28, morter.\n  +mostardier+, 42/21, mustardmaker.\n  +mottes+, 13/25, mottes. [_Motte_, little hill, high place.\n      --Cotgrave.]\n  +mouches+, 11/29, flies.\n  +moulenier+, 36/27, myllar.\n  +moules+, 12/20, muskles.\n  +moult+, 26/6, moche.\n  +mourdriers+, 43/12, murderers.\n  +moures+, 13/6, morberies.\n  +mourier+, 13/12, morbery tree.\n  +moust+, 35/18, muste.\n  +moustard+, 10/15, mustard.\n  +mouue+, 30/26, styre.\n  +moynes+, 2/5, monkes.\n  +moys+, 27/37, monethes.\n  +moytie+, 36/29, half.\n  +mulets+, 12/6, molettis.\n  +muletz+, 11/14, mules.\n  +muskadel+, 14/7, muscadel.\n  +mydy+, 27/26, mydday.\n  +mynuyt+, 27/33, mydnyght.\n  +myse+, 3/9, gyuing oute, expenditure.\n  +nappes+, 8/24, bordclothes.\n  +naueaulx+, 13/36, rapes.\n  +nauret+, 48/12, wounded.\n  +nauyer+, 50/13, ship.\n  +neantmoins+, 32/36, neuertheless.\n  +nepheux+, 6/6, neueus.\n  +nesples+, 13/7, medliers.\n  +nesplier+, 13/13, medliertree.\n  +nettement+, 49/27, clenly.\n  +neuds+, 32/30, cnoppes.\n  +nieces+, 6/6, nieces.\n  +nobles+, 17/33, nobles.\n  +Noel+, 28/13, Cristemasse.\n  +noix+, 13/6, notes.\n  +nombre+, 50/34, nombre.\n  +nommer+, 19/35, name.\n  +nonnains+, 24/9, nonnes.\n  +noueaulx+, 17/26, newe.\n  +nouuelles+, 29/31, tydynges.\n  +nuyts+, 27/16, nyghtes.\n  +nye+, 46/32, denyeth.\n  +Oesterlins+, 43/1, Esterlyngis.\n  +offert+, 15/35, boden.\n  +officiaulx+, 2/4, officials.\n  +oignons+, 13/31, oynyons.\n  +oistoirs+, 11/26, haukes.\n  +olifans+, 11/19, olifaunts.\n  +oliuier+, 13/14, olyuetree.\n  +onches+, 21/10, vnces.\n  +oncques+, 32/21, neuer.\n  +operacions+, 52/3, werkes.\n  +orains+, 46/20, whiler.\n  +ordene+, 1/3, ordre.\n  +ordonner+, 3/21, ordeyne.\n  +oreilles+, 41/35, eres.\n  +oreilliers+, 8/35, pelowes.\n  +orfeures+, 2/14, goldsmythes.\n  +orge+, 22/9, barlye.\n  +orphenins+, 35/16, orphans.\n  +orpiement+, 20/19, orpement.\n  +ortyes+, 13/28, nettles.\n  +ostes+, 4/18, doo of.\n  +oublies+, 13/2, forgeten.\n  +ount+, 43/24, (they) have,\n  +ouppe+, 13/20, hoppes, hops.\n  +ouurages+, 7/16, werkes.\n  +ouuries+, 21/29, wrought.\n  +oyles+, 20/9, oyles.\n  +oyseusete+, 3/12, ydlenes.\n  +oyseux+, 44/6, ydle.\n  +oysters+, 12/20, oystres.\n  +oystoires+, 43/38, gerfaucons.\n  +paiels+, 7/7, pannes.\n  +paiera+, 15/14, shall paye.\n  +pain+, 9/4, brede.\n  +paintres+, 1/24, paynters.\n  +painturers+, 2/25, paintours.\n  +paire de chausses+, 16/19, pair hosen.\n  +palefroy+, 45/30, palfreye.\n  +palmier+, 13/15, palmetree.\n  +paltocque+, 33/40, jaquet.\n  +paons+, 11/2, pecoks.\n  +paour+, 35/5, fere.\n  +papier+, 47/22, papier.\n  +paradys+, 39/37, paradyse.\n  +parastre+, 33/2, stepfadre.\n  +parcemin+, 19/27, perchemyn.\n  +parceminier+, 47/14, parchemyn-maker.\n  +pardonne+, 39/19, forgyue.\n  +pardons+, 28/33, pardon.\n  +pardurable+, 52/5, euerlastyng.\n  +parens+, 30/12, kynnesman.\n  +parfacent+, 48/5, ful doo.\n  +parfaicte+, 33/39, performed.\n  +parlement+, 25/31, parlamente.\n  +parles+, 27/36, speke.\n  +parmi+, 8/26, thorugh.\n  +parois+, 40/34, wallis.\n  +parolles+, 5/12, wordes.\n  +pars+, 38/40, partis.\n  +partie+, 4/9, partie.\n  +Pasques+, 28/13, Estre.\n  +passe+, 35/22, passeth.\n  +pastees+, 12/37, pasteyes.\n  +pastesiers+, 2/34, pybakers.\n  +patards+, 17/23, plackes.\n  +paternosters+, 46/3, bedes.\n  +paternostrier+, 46/1, paternoster-maker.\n  +patriarces+, 48/22, patriarkis.\n  +patron+, 23/38, patron.\n  +pays+, 17/40, contre.\n  +peaulx+, 1/21, skynnes.\n  +pecheurs+, 48/1, synnars.\n  +pechies+, 39/20, synnes.\n  +pelerinages+, 48/35, pylgremages.\n  +pelice+, 46/21, pylche.\n  +pelletiere+, 46/23, pilchemaker.\n  +penance+, 48/5, penaunce.\n  +pendoyrs+, 21/39, pendants.\n  +peneuse+, 28/28, paynful.\n  +pennes+, 39/6, pennes.\n  +penses+, 10/2, thynke.\n  +Pentechoste+, 28/14, Whitsontid.\n  +perche+, 8/29, perche.\n  +perderes+, 15/39, (ye) shold lese.\n  +pere+, 3/17, fadre.\n  +peril+, 48/13, peryll.\n  +perir+, 48/10, perysshe.\n  +periroyent+, 37/17, shold perisshe.\n  +perques+, 12/14, perches.\n  +perseuerance+, 52/2, perseueraunce.\n  +persin+, 13/32, persely.\n  +pertris+, 11/1, partrichs.\n  +pesant+, 31/37, weyeng.\n  +pesques+, 13/7, pesshes.\n  +pesquier+, 13/12, pesshe-tree.\n  +pestiel+, 8/28, pestyll.\n  +peuple+, 34/4, peple.\n  +piece+, 47/8, pece.\n  +piecha+, 5/1, in longe tyme.\n  +pierre+, 19/14, stone.\n  +pieure+, 44/27, shrewest.\n  +pigna+, 32/21, kembyth (_pres._ for _past_).\n  +pigneresses+, 2/15, kempsters.\n  +pintes+, 7/21, pintes.\n  +piuions+, 10/39, pygeons.\n  +placqua+, 40/35, daubed.\n  +placqueur+, 40/36, dawber.\n  +plain+, 31/7, plainly.\n  +plaindes+, 31/12, (ye) playne (you).\n  +plainement+, 17/6, playnly.\n  +plaist+, 5/6, plaise.\n  +plates+, 33/33, _vnes p._, a plate (armour).\n  +platteaux+, 7/30, platers.\n  +playderay+, 47/13, (I) shall plete.\n  +playes+, 41/22, woundes.\n  +plays+, 12/3, plays.\n  +plente+, 8/23, plente.\n  +plouuier+, 10/35, plouier.\n  +ployes+, 17/2, folde.\n  +plummes+, 6/34, fetheris.\n  +plusiers+, 18/25, many.\n  +pluyt+, 50/22, rayneth.\n  +poillaillerie+, 10/30, pultrie.\n  +point+, 39/24, paynteth.\n  +point+, 5/18, nothyng.\n  +pointe+, 33/29, poynte.\n  +pointurer+, 34/19, paynter.\n  +poires+, 13/4, peres.\n  +poise+, 46/8, _ce p. moy_, wo is me.\n  +poissonners+, 2/22, fysshmongers.\n  +poit+, 20/22, pycche.\n  +poiure+, 10/28, pepre.\n  +pommes+, 13/4, apples.\n  +pommier+, 13/11, apple tree.\n  +ponce+, 47/21, pomyce.\n  +pont+, 49/9, brigge.\n  +porc de mer+, 12/2, pourpays.\n  +porciaux+, 40/22, hogges.\n  +poree+, 8/14, wortes.\n  +porions+, 13/31, porreette.\n  +porke+, 26/30, swyne.\n  +poroye+, 11/7, mowe.\n  +porrier+, 13/11, pere tree.\n  +porte+, 32/3, born (_in childbirth_).\n  +portera+, 34/37, shall bere.\n  +potages+, 1/16, potages.\n  +pouchins+, 10/32, chekens.\n  +poudres+, 20/5, poudres.\n  +poulaillier+, 44/1, pulter.\n  +poulle+, 10/32, poullet.\n  +poulletis+, 10/31, poullettis.\n  +poumon+, 26/28, longhe.\n  +pour+, 1/3, for to.\n  +pourcelaine+, 13/34, porselane.\n  +pourchacies+, 38/37, pourchaced.\n  +poures+, 6/35, poure.\n  +pourpointier+, 33/38, doblet maker.\n  +pourpoints+, 8/32, doblettes.\n  +pourries+, 11/12, (ye) may.\n  +pourroient+, 29/19, (they) myght.\n  +poutrains+, 11/15, coltes.\n  +poyle+, 27/7, pylle.\n  +poyntes+, 6/38, paynted.\n  +poyssons+, 1/11, fysshes.\n  +prayel+, 45/18, pryelle.\n  +prebstres+, 23/29, prestes.\n  +prelats+, 2/2, prelates.\n  +premier+, 4/16, first.\n  +premierment+, 1/5, fyrst.\n  +prenderes+, 16/8, (you) shall take.\n  +prenge+, 5/22, (I) take.\n  +prescheurs+, 24/6, prechers.\n  +presente+, 35/19, profred.\n  +preste+, 30/31, lente.\n  +prets+, 13/21, medowes.\n  +preudhomme+, 27/15, wyse man.\n  +preuileges+, 36/37, preuyleges.\n  +preuostie+, 30/11, prouostye.\n  +preuosts+, 23/26, prouostes.\n  +prijez+, 39/16, praye.\n  +prime+, 27/24, prime.\n  +princes+, 2/7, princes.\n  +princesse+, 24/39, princesse.\n  +prions+, 26/15, (we) pray.\n  +prison+, 36/13, prison.\n  +prisonniers+, 35/14, prisoners.\n  +priues+, 1/10, tame.\n  +procession+, 19/9, procession.\n  +procureur+, 47/9, proctour.\n  +promise+, 25/30, promysed.\n  +prophetes+, 48/21, prophetes.\n  +prouffyt+, 4/7, prouffyt.\n  +prouffytable+, 1/2, prouffytable.\n  +prounes+, 13/4, plommes.\n  +prounier+, 13/13, plomtree.\n  +pryeurs+, 23/27, pryours.\n  +psalmes+, 39/4, salmes.\n  +psaultiers+, 39/1, sawters.\n  +puis ... puis+, 25/18, syth ... sith.\n  +puissance+, 22/33, myghty.\n  +pute+, 46/16, stynketh.\n  +quadrant+, 51/31, ferdyng.\n  +quancques+, 50/31, what someuer.\n  +Quaremien+, 28/24, Shroftyde.\n  +quart+, 7/23, quarte.\n  +quartaines+, 42/2, quartayn.\n  +quarters+, 21/8, quarters.\n  +quassies+, 35/8, hurte.\n  +querir+, 35/21, to fecche.\n  +querre+, 26/23, fecche.\n  +querson+, 13/35, kersses.\n  +querue+, 46/29, plowh.\n  +queuerchief+, 8/36, keuerchief.\n  +quidies+, 16/14, (ye) wene (_see_ cuide).\n  +quierques+, 21/13, lastes.\n  +racompter+, 5/5, to telle.\n  +ralongier+, 47/31, to lengthe.\n  +rammonier+, 46/6, brusshemaker.\n  +rammons+, 46/7, brusshes.\n  +raportes+, 3/10, brynge.\n  +rastons+, 12/36, printed cakes;\n    13/1, eyrekakis.\n    [_Raston_, m., a fashion of round and high Tart, made of butter,\n    egges, and cheese. --Cotgrave.]\n  +rayes+, 12/4, thornbaks.\n  +raysons+, 3/2, resons.\n  +recepte+, 3/9, recyte.\n  +recepueur+, 44/35, receyuour.\n  +recomandes+, 5/36, recommaunde.\n  +rees+, 47/18, shauen.\n  +refouller+, 34/16, full agayn.\n  +refuse+, 28/38, (I) reffuse.\n  +regarde+, 25/33, beholde.\n  +regratter+, 34/16, carde agayn.\n  +relief+, 9/7, leuynge.\n  +remauldis+, 32/38, cursyd agayn.\n  +remaysonnes+, 34/20, howsed agayn.\n  +remede+, 48/14, remedye.\n  +remesurer+, 17/8, mete agayn.\n  +remettes+, 4/21, sette (it) on agayn.\n  +remues+, 34/20, remeuyd.\n  +rendre+, 37/1, yelde.\n  +renommees+, 40/19, renomed.\n  +renteez+, 23/30, rented.\n  +repentance+, 48/3, repentaunce.\n  +reposeray+, 22/13, _ ie men r._, I shall reste me.\n  +reprouua+, 33/4, repreuud.\n  +requerre+, 44/36, requyre.\n  +resambloient+, 9/38, (that they) resemble.\n  +rescourer+, 34/17, skowre agayn.\n  +respaulme+, 26/37, spoylle.\n  +respondes+, 5/23, ansuere.\n  +respyt+, 30/4, respyte.\n  +retenir+, 50/39, reteyne.\n  +reubans+, 36/10, rybans.\n  +reuendra+, 27/25, shall come agayn.\n  +reynards+, 11/18, foxes.\n  +riche+, 4/5, riche.\n  +riens+, 16/3, thyng.\n  +robbeurs+, 43/13, robbers.\n  +robes+, 16/12, gounes.\n  +roches+, 12/15, roches.\n  +roels+, 43/18, wheles.\n  +roisin+, 13/8, reysins.\n  +Romenye+, 14/10, Romeneye.\n  +rompture+, 41/28, brekynge.\n  +roses+, 13/18, roses.\n  +rosty+, 10/20, rosted.\n  +rouchin+, 45/29, coursour.\n  +rouges+, 12/5, rogettis.\n  +roussignoulx+, 10/36, nyghtyngalis.\n  +rouwet+, 32/29, whele.\n  +royames+, 29/37, royames.\n  +royaulx+, 17/33, ryallis.\n  +roynes+, 2/6, quenes.\n  +roysonnablement+, 3/23, resonably.\n  +rues+, 4/10, streetes.\n  +ryuiers+, 1/12, riuers.\n  +sachies+, 5/16, knowe.\n  +sacque+, 31/20, drawe.\n  +sacrament+, 28/30, sacrament.\n  +saffran+, 19/39, saffran.\n  +sagettes+, 36/25, arowes.\n  +saing+, 46/18, sayme.\n  +sainte+, 3/19, holy.\n  +sainture+, 21/27, corse.\n  +salle+, 10/14, salted.\n  +sallieres+, 7/32, sallyers.\n  +saluant+, 4/27, salewyng.\n  +saluer+, 1/7, grete.\n  +salutations+, 6/14, salutations.\n  +salutz+, 17/34, salews.\n  +samblance+, 47/35, lykenes.\n  +sarges+, 6/37, sarges.\n  +saulge+, 13/33, sauge.\n  +saulmon+, 12/17, samon.\n  +saulses+, 8/26, sauses.\n  +saulx+, 13/15, wylough.\n  +sauns+, 14/25, withoute.\n  +sauoyr+, 6/17, _cest a s._, that is to saye.  [[error for 6/18]]\n  +sausserons+, 7/31, saussers.\n  +sauuages+, 1/10, wylde.\n  +sauue+, 17/3, sauf.\n  +sauuete+, 50/18, sauete.\n  +scaues+, 4/8, knowe.\n  +scauroye+, 11/37, _je ne s._, I ne wote not.\n  +seigneur+, 5/37, lorde.\n  +selle+, 25/28, sadel.\n  +sellees+, 45/4, sealed.\n  +semaile+, 20/10, feldeseed.\n  +semble+, 16/40, semeth.\n  +senestre+, 49/12, lyfte.\n  +sengler+, 10/26, wylde boor.\n  +sens+, 15/17, wysedom.\n  +sensieuent+, 21/21, folowe.\n  +sepmaine+, 28/28, weke.\n  +sergeans+, 43/32, sergeants.\n  +serouge+, 29/13, cosen alyed.\n  +serpens+, 11/28, serpentes.\n  +serruriers+, 2/36, lokyers.\n  +sert+, 48/16, serueth.\n  +seruans+, 10/1, seruaunts.\n  +seruice+, 37/7, seruise.\n  +seruoise+, 14/16, ale.\n  +sestier+, 7/19, sextier.\n  +seuffre+, 50/30, suffreth.\n  +seure+, 8/3, sure.\n  +si que+, 33/11, so that.\n  +siet+, 41/1, sitteth.\n  +sieu+, 20/30, siewet;\n  +signes+, 39/6, swannes (_see_ cignes).\n  +singes+, 11/20, apes.\n  +soer+, 35/3, suster.\n  +soille+, 22/9, rye.\n  +solas+, 29/7, solace.\n  +solliers+, 6/28, loftes.\n  +soloit+, 34/21, was woned.\n  +solz+, 44/9, shelyngs.\n  +somme+, 3/10, somme.\n  +sommonce+, 47/10, sommonce.\n  +sommondre+, 47/11, somone.\n  +sorees+, 12/9, reed.\n  +sorles+, 20/34, shoes.\n  +souef+, 13/17, suete.\n  +souffisante+, 42/29, suffysaunte.\n  +souffist+, 17/7, suffyseth.\n  +souhaidera+, 46/39, shall weeshe.\n  +soulz+, 3/8, shelynges.\n  +sounee+, 30/15, sowned.\n  +soupperay+, 29/4, (I) shall souppe.\n  +sourcorps+, 8/30, frockes.\n  +sourcote+, 16/16, surcote.\n  +sourplis+, 42/12, surplys.\n  +souuenir+, 50/24, bythynke.\n  +souuent+, 13/24, ofte.\n  +stamine+, 8/26, strayner.\n  +strelins+, 51/22, sterlings.\n  +substaunce+, 30/25, substance.\n  +suera+, 35/3, shall suete.\n  +suffiroit+, 30/40, shold suffyse.\n  +sugles+, 12/4, sooles.\n  +surgien+, 41/20, surgyan.\n  +sydre+, 14/18, syther.\n  +synon+, 6/20, withoute.\n  +table+, 1/1, table.\n  +tailleur+, 34/1, taillour.\n  +taillier+, 8/11, to cutte.\n  +tainctures+, 1/26, colours.\n  +taindre+, 34/24, dye.\n  +talent+, 32/36, luste.\n  +tammis+, 38/22, temmesis.\n  +tanne+, 46/13, taweth.\n  +tant+, 15/18, so moche.\n  +tantost+, 34/28, anon.\n  +tapites+, 6/37, tapytes.\n  +tasses+, 21/32, tasses.\n  +tauerne+, 26/21, tauerne.\n  +tauernier+, 35/17, tauerner.\n  +taye+, 6/2, beldame.\n  +tayon+, 6/2, belfadre.\n  +tele+, 10/6, suche.\n  +teliers+, 2/22, lynweuers.\n  +temporalite+, 45/40, temporalte.\n  +temps+, 27/9, tyme.\n  +tenchant+, 32/33, chydyng.\n  +teneurs+, 2/35, tawyers.\n  +tenez+, 17/17, holde.\n  +tenques+, 12/14, tenches.\n  +tenres+, 11/11, tendre.\n  +tercheul+, 14/21, wurte.\n  +termes+, 2/12, termes.\n  +terre+, 40/35, erthe.\n  +testamens+, 36/39, testamentis.\n  +tesyque+, 41/40, tesyke.\n  +theologie+, 25/5, diuinite.\n  +tieng+, 16/38, holde.\n  +tiercaines+, 42/2, tercian.\n  +tierce+, 27/25, tyerse.\n  +tieulles+, 2/26, tiles.\n  +tigneuse+, 36/5, scallyd.\n  +tisserans+, 2/14, weuers.\n  +toilles+, 14/24, lynnenclothis.\n  +tollenier+, 44/29, tollar.\n  +tondeurs+, 2/15, sheremen.\n  +tonlieu+, 44/33, tolle.\n  +tonne+, 50/21, thondreth.\n  +tonniaulx+, 21/11, barellis.\n  +tors+, 11/14, bulles.\n  +toudis+, 29/11, alleway.\n  +tourbes+, 8/7, turues.\n  +touriers+, 2/31, kepars of prisons.\n  +tournoys+, 25/1, tournemens.\n  +tourterolles+, 10/40, turtellis.\n  +tousiours+, 9/23, alleway.\n  +touwailles+, 8/24, towellis.\n  +traisme+, 38/13, woef.\n  +trait+, 26/26, draught.\n  +transitorie+, 52/4, transitorie.\n  +trauwet+, 34/15, hooled.\n  +trayent+, 36/26, (they) shote.\n  +traynnon+ (= _tra\u00eene on_), 43/17, be drawen.\n  +trenchores+, 7/32, trenchours.\n  +trepiet+, 8/5, treuet.\n  +tresoier+, 9/3, cupbort.\n  +tresour+, 22/30, tresour.\n  +trespassee+, 39/15, passed.\n  +tresquand+, 33/14, syth whan.\n  +treuue on+, 7/28, men fynd.\n  +triacle+, 11/31, triacle.\n  +triaclier+, 31/38, triacle boxe.\n  +trieues+, 29/38, triews.\n  +Trinite+, 1/5, Trinite.\n  +trippes+, 26/27, trippes.\n  +trop+, 5/5, ouermoche.\n  +trouuer+, 1/3, to fynde.\n  +tues+, 35/7, slayn.\n  +tystre+, 31/40, weue.\n  +vaches+, 12/29, kien.\n  +vaire+, 46/21, graye.\n  +vairriers+, 2/36, makers of greywerke.\n  +valent+, 17/25, be worth.\n  +valeur+, 4/17, valure.\n  +valleton+, 33/5, boye.\n  +vans+, 38/20, vannes.\n  +vanter+, 30/14, auaunte.\n  +vassiaulx+, 21/12, vessellis.\n  +vault+, 15/7, is worth.\n  +veers+, 11/29, wormes.\n  +veiller+, 27/21, wakyng.\n  +vendues+, 4/5, solde.\n  +vengance+, 37/26, vengeaunce.\n  +venimeuses+, 11/27, venemous.\n  +venyson+, 10/25, venyson.\n  +verde+, 10/13, grene.\n  +verdures+, 13/22, verdures.\n  +verge+, 9/32, rodde.\n  +verius+, 42/23, veriuse.\n  +vermeil+, 14/37; +vermeilles+, 13/18; reed, red.\n  +vernis+, 20/19, vernysshe.\n  +verses+, 27/5, gyue (us wyne).\n  +vesches+, 22/10, vessches.\n  +vespres+, 27/29, euensonge.\n  +vestures+, 8/29, clothes.\n  +vesues+, 48/24, wedowes.\n  +veult+, 6/29, wyll.\n  +vey+, 5/1, (I) haue seen.\n  +veytier+, 45/9, carier.\n  +viande+, 9/5, mete.\n  +viegne+, 27/27, come (_passage mistranslated_).\n  +vierge+, 48/17, mayde.\n  +vieswarier+, 34/13, vpholster.\n  +vieulx+, 17/24, olde.\n  +vigneron+, 46/37, wyneman.\n  +vignes+, 46/38, vyneyerd.\n  +ville+, 3/1, toune.\n  +villonnie+, 29/1, vylonye.\n  +vinaigre+, 42/22, vynegre.\n  +virgoingne+, 9/21, shame.\n  +viscounte+, 24/30, vycounte.\n  +visette+, 35/13, visiteth.\n  +vist+, 22/30, lyueth.\n  +vngles+, 42/1, nayles.\n  +vnguements+, 41/24, oynementis.\n  +voir+, 15/12, ye truly;\n  +voire+, 46/4, glas;  [[error for 46/5]]\n    +voires+, 9/9, glases.\n  +voirier+, 34/30, glasyer.\n  +voisins+, 9/19, neyghbours.\n  +volente+, 10/5, wyll.\n  +volentiers+, 5/10, gladly.\n  +vouldra+, 1/4, _on v._, men wylle.\n  +voyage+, 48/38, viage.\n  +voyette+, 49/11, lytill waye.\n  +vraye+, 48/4, verry.\n  +vrayement+, 4/7, truly.\n  +vrine+, 34/37, vrine.\n  +vsages+, 4/28, vsages.\n  +vsuriers+, 2/25, vsuriers.\n  +vylain+, 30/8, chorle.\n  +wasteletz+, 13/1, wastles.\n  +wydecos+, 10/36, wodecoks.\n  +ydropison+, 41/39, dropesye.\n  +ypocras+, 14/12, ypocras.\n  +yrons+, 39/21, (we) shall goo.\n  +ysnel+, 4/15, swyft.\n  +ysope+, 13/33, ysope.\n  +ysseray+, 49/5, shall (I) goo out.\nFormat of the e-text:\nThe page numbers shown as bracketed [Sidenotes] refer to Caxton. French\nand English lines were printed in parallel columns; they are shown here\nin pairs, with different indentation. Line numbers are in EETS-standard\nmultiples of 4. In the original book, variations in line number were for\nmechanical reasons such as unusually long lines or to avoid collision\nwith line-end notes; they have been regularized for this e-text. To\npreserve line numbering, all line breaks have been retained.\nNumbered footnotes were printed in the nearest available space. For\nthe e-text they have generally been moved to the end of the phrase or\nsentence. Numbering is unchanged; on pages with multiple notes, the\nFrench (left) side was numbered before the English (right) side,\nleading to some apparent inconsistencies.\nBoldface initials are shown with a single + before the word; large drop\ncapitals are shown with two ++. Mid-word italics, representing expanded\ncontractions, are shown in {braces}. Elsewhere, +boldface+ and _italics_\nare shown conventionally. Superscripts are shown with carets ^.\nExcept for [Sidenote] and similar markers, single brackets are in the\noriginal.\nErrors and Inconsistencies (noted by transcriber):\nIntroduction\n  Il donna [_sic_] a chescun sa mesure.  [[\u201csic\u201d notation in original]]\nMain Text\n_Possible errors addressed in the Editor\u2019s Notes (end of Introduction)\nare not listed here. All names in Chr- (Christopher, Christine...) are\nspelled \u201cxprifor\u201d and similar, with \u201cxpr\u201d for Greek \u03a7\u03a1._\n  2.10 Et des mestiers... /And of craftes... 26\n    [[error for 25: same as preceding Contents item]]\n  4.4 Which to hym shalbe good to be bou\u021dt\n    [[this lone yogh \u021d is in the original]]\n  23.34 That isin the world  [[spacing unchanged]]\n  30.8 Benoit le vylain / Benet the chorle\n  31.26 Beatrix le lauendier / Beatrice the lauendre\n    [[both sets of initials as shown: expected boldface]]\n  49.7 Prenderay ie mon chemyn?\u2019\u201d\n      Shall I take my way?\u2019\u201d\n    [[quotation marks printed as shown: editorial error?]]\nVocabulary Lists\n_As noted above, numbering errors in the vocabulary lists are shown\ninline in [[double brackets]]. Not all spelling differences between\nEnglish\n  +dedicace+, parish festival, 46/2.  [[body text has \u201cdedicacion\u201d]]\n  +fatte+, vat, cask, 26/19.  [[. missing]]\n  +hyndecalf+, fawn, 10/27.\n  +Janiver+, January, 27/39.\n    [[no break between H and I/J]]\n  +stewes+: see +styewe+.  [[no entry for \u201cstyewe\u201d (42.28)]]\n    [[printed as shown, but in 35/3, \u201csuete\u201d seems to mean \u201csweat\u201d]]\n  +thourgh+, through, 8/26.\n    [[body text and French vocabulary have \u201cthorugh\u201d]]\nFrench\n  +suffiroit+, 30/40, shold suffyse.\n    [[spelled \u201csouffiroit\u201d in body text]]\nEnd of Project Gutenberg's Dialogues in French and English, by William Caxton\n*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIALOGUES IN FRENCH AND ENGLISH ***\n***** This file should be named 29214-0.txt or 29214-0.zip *****\nThis and all associated files of various formats will be found in:\n        https://www.gutenberg.org/2/9/2/1/29214/\nProduced by Louise Hope, Greg Lindahl and the Online\nDistributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net\nUpdated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions\nwill be renamed.\nCreating the works from public domain print editions means that no\none owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation\n(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without\npermission and without paying copyright royalties.  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